Pushkin a Happiness Lab listeners, We're still putting the finishing touches on our next season of shows, a whole series addressing situations in which I the happiness Professor and flunking class. Our new season will be out on June third, but here's a quick sneak preview.

Pushkin a Happiness Lab listeners, We're still putting the finishing touches on our next season of shows, a whole series addressing situations in which I the happiness Professor and flunking class. Our new season will be out on June third, but here's a quick sneak preview.

Can you hear me now?

Can you hear me now?

I'm doctor Laurie Santos, and I'm devoting the new season of my podcast, The Happiness Lab to topics that are dear to my heart, with people dear to my heart, like my mom.

I'm doctor Laurie Santos, and I'm devoting the new season of my podcast, The Happiness Lab to topics that are dear to my heart, with people dear to my heart, like my mom.

Wait a minute, let me put the TV.

Wait a minute, let me put the TV.

I'll be finding out why I personally struggle so badly with perfectionism, stress, and even sitting still and doing nothing. But I feel like I'm bad at boredom because you're bad at boredom.

I'll be finding out why I personally struggle so badly with perfectionism, stress, and even sitting still and doing nothing. But I feel like I'm bad at boredom because you're bad at boredom.

Yeah. No, I didn't do well with doing nothing.

Yeah. No, I didn't do well with doing nothing.

And once I find out why these things affect me so badly, I'm hoping to do something about it. So join me on my journey Wherever you get your podcasts, so be sure to stay tuned. But today I wanted to share an amazing episode of the Ted Interview podcast, which focuses on the work of my friend and close collaborator Liz Dunn, a psychology professor from the University of British Columbia. Liz has been a guest on The Happiness Lab a bunch, but in this episode, she'll take Chris Anderson from TED on a deep dive across her entire career, including some of her important work on how we can all become happier. I hope you like this episode and be sure to check out more editions of The Ted Interview show wherever you get your podcasts.

And once I find out why these things affect me so badly, I'm hoping to do something about it. So join me on my journey Wherever you get your podcasts, so be sure to stay tuned. But today I wanted to share an amazing episode of the Ted Interview podcast, which focuses on the work of my friend and close collaborator Liz Dunn, a psychology professor from the University of British Columbia. Liz has been a guest on The Happiness Lab a bunch, but in this episode, she'll take Chris Anderson from TED on a deep dive across her entire career, including some of her important work on how we can all become happier. I hope you like this episode and be sure to check out more editions of The Ted Interview show wherever you get your podcasts.

Hello everyone, I'm Chris Anderson. Welcome to The Ted Interview. This season, we're delving deep into the concept of generosity, which I've come to believe is the single most crucial idea that our modern world needs. It's an idea that I've spent the last three years thinking about and researching for a book titled Infectious Generosity. Now, Today's episode is a special one for two reasons. First of all, I'm sitting in front of a live audience at TED twenty twenty four. The audience is full of brilliant people and they will be helping co create this episode by asking questions part way through. And then secondly, our guest today she has played a catalytic role in developing my thinking about generosity. Her name is Elizabeth Dunn. She's a social psychology professor at the University of British Columbia, and apart from delivering a beautiful ted talk on the links between generosity and happiness, she also was involved in an experience which forced me to go ahead and write this book. Honestly, we will be talking about that shortly, but for now, please join me in welcoming Elizabeth Dunn. It's great to have you here.

Hello everyone, I'm Chris Anderson. Welcome to The Ted Interview. This season, we're delving deep into the concept of generosity, which I've come to believe is the single most crucial idea that our modern world needs. It's an idea that I've spent the last three years thinking about and researching for a book titled Infectious Generosity. Now, Today's episode is a special one for two reasons. First of all, I'm sitting in front of a live audience at TED twenty twenty four. The audience is full of brilliant people and they will be helping co create this episode by asking questions part way through. And then secondly, our guest today she has played a catalytic role in developing my thinking about generosity. Her name is Elizabeth Dunn. She's a social psychology professor at the University of British Columbia, and apart from delivering a beautiful ted talk on the links between generosity and happiness, she also was involved in an experience which forced me to go ahead and write this book. Honestly, we will be talking about that shortly, but for now, please join me in welcoming Elizabeth Dunn. It's great to have you here.

Oh, thank you for having me.

Oh, thank you for having me.

Let's start by your sharing a little bit of your background and what drew you to the study of happiness, generosity and related Yeah.

Let's start by your sharing a little bit of your background and what drew you to the study of happiness, generosity and related Yeah.

So, I have been studying happiness for over twenty years now as a social psychologist, and I got into studying generosity primarily because I wanted to understand what made people happy and specifically actually, when I got my first faculty job as a professor at the University of British Columbia, I started earning more money than I needed to stay alive for the first time in my life, and I was like, oh, I have disposable income. This is a novelty for me, you know, And so I wanted to understand how people could use money in order to enhance happiness, and I thought generosity might.

So, I have been studying happiness for over twenty years now as a social psychologist, and I got into studying generosity primarily because I wanted to understand what made people happy and specifically actually, when I got my first faculty job as a professor at the University of British Columbia, I started earning more money than I needed to stay alive for the first time in my life, and I was like, oh, I have disposable income. This is a novelty for me, you know, And so I wanted to understand how people could use money in order to enhance happiness, and I thought generosity might.

Actually be a pretty good way to go.

Actually be a pretty good way to go.

So we started running experiments, first, small experiments just here in Vancouver, and then built it out from there. So that's sort of where I started. And then my research has taken me in all kinds of different directions to try to understand what really matters for him and happiness.

So we started running experiments, first, small experiments just here in Vancouver, and then built it out from there. So that's sort of where I started. And then my research has taken me in all kinds of different directions to try to understand what really matters for him and happiness.

So typical experiment would be some students get given ten or twenty bucks untel to do different things with it.

So typical experiment would be some students get given ten or twenty bucks untel to do different things with it.

Yeah, So in the first experiment we ever ran on this topic, we sent our research assistants out on campus at UBC armed with cash. We gave them five and twenty dollars bills. We had them literally walk up and hand them to people, and we either told each individual to spend this money to benefit themselves or to benefit others, and then we called them at the end of the day, found out how their day had been, asked them to complete measures of happiness. And what we discovered was that people felt happier at the end of the day when they'd been assigned, basically by the flip.

Yeah, So in the first experiment we ever ran on this topic, we sent our research assistants out on campus at UBC armed with cash. We gave them five and twenty dollars bills. We had them literally walk up and hand them to people, and we either told each individual to spend this money to benefit themselves or to benefit others, and then we called them at the end of the day, found out how their day had been, asked them to complete measures of happiness. And what we discovered was that people felt happier at the end of the day when they'd been assigned, basically by the flip.

Of a coin, to spend this money on.

Of a coin, to spend this money on.

Others, and do you think they actually did spend it on this?

Others, and do you think they actually did spend it on this?

You know, they give us pretty detailed reports of like exactly what they did, so yeah, I'm pretty confident.

You know, they give us pretty detailed reports of like exactly what they did, so yeah, I'm pretty confident.

Give us some more headlines of big findings that have happened over the last decade or two.

Give us some more headlines of big findings that have happened over the last decade or two.

So another big finding for us was to show that this effect wasn't just limited to Vancouver to folks with a reasonable amount of disposable income. We wanted to try doing this in countries around the world. We explored this idea with the littlest humans, with toddlers, showing that even two year olds get joy from giving their resources to others.

So another big finding for us was to show that this effect wasn't just limited to Vancouver to folks with a reasonable amount of disposable income. We wanted to try doing this in countries around the world. We explored this idea with the littlest humans, with toddlers, showing that even two year olds get joy from giving their resources to others.

Toddlers don't really care about money.

Toddlers don't really care about money.

We worked with toddler gold specifically goldfish crackers, and so you know, we've explored this idea in a number of different ways. We've also looked at other aspects that matter for happiness. In a project that grew out of a collaboration at TED, we've been examining how to increase social connections by bringing together architects and software engineers to figure out how we can design physical spaces to bring people together in positive ways. So I've done all kinds of different things, But along the way, happiness has been sort of my north star.

We worked with toddler gold specifically goldfish crackers, and so you know, we've explored this idea in a number of different ways. We've also looked at other aspects that matter for happiness. In a project that grew out of a collaboration at TED, we've been examining how to increase social connections by bringing together architects and software engineers to figure out how we can design physical spaces to bring people together in positive ways. So I've done all kinds of different things, But along the way, happiness has been sort of my north star.

I mean, I think your team wrote a paper connected to a giant Gallup survey that was done once asking more than tw hundred thousand people across the world about their happiness levels. Can you say a bit of yeah.

I mean, I think your team wrote a paper connected to a giant Gallup survey that was done once asking more than tw hundred thousand people across the world about their happiness levels. Can you say a bit of yeah.

So, In taking advantage of really amazing data collected by Gallop, what we discovered was that around the world, people who had donated money to charity in the past month reported greater happiness than those who didn't.

So, In taking advantage of really amazing data collected by Gallop, what we discovered was that around the world, people who had donated money to charity in the past month reported greater happiness than those who didn't.

And this wasn't a small effect.

And this wasn't a small effect.

In fact, when we really dug into the data, what we saw was that spending donating money to charity was basically equivalent to a doubling of household income in terms of its relationship with happiness.

In fact, when we really dug into the data, what we saw was that spending donating money to charity was basically equivalent to a doubling of household income in terms of its relationship with happiness.

People work their whole year to try to justify it. Maybe if I could just get twenty percent more income, that's what would make all the difference to me in my family. Doubling of income rarely happens to most people. It's like it's not quite winning the lottery, but it's close. And yet on the face of it, just committing to being generous to charities could actually deliver the same life happiness that seems so implausible. Can that really be true?

People work their whole year to try to justify it. Maybe if I could just get twenty percent more income, that's what would make all the difference to me in my family. Doubling of income rarely happens to most people. It's like it's not quite winning the lottery, but it's close. And yet on the face of it, just committing to being generous to charities could actually deliver the same life happiness that seems so implausible. Can that really be true?

Well, first off, you know, in that particular study, it's important recognize it's just a correlation, right, So people who give money to charity are happier than people who do not, right, And you can imagine that people who are getting to charity might differ in all kinds of ways. And we do our best as scientists to try to control for the obvious ones like income, and that relationship still holds. But I wouldn't presume that it's entirely causal, that it's just about spending money on others leading to happiness. Now that said, it is still fascinating, you know when we see this relationship emerge in experimental work as well, so we know there is this causal relationship, and yet it doesn't seem like people are always aware of it.

Well, first off, you know, in that particular study, it's important recognize it's just a correlation, right, So people who give money to charity are happier than people who do not, right, And you can imagine that people who are getting to charity might differ in all kinds of ways. And we do our best as scientists to try to control for the obvious ones like income, and that relationship still holds. But I wouldn't presume that it's entirely causal, that it's just about spending money on others leading to happiness. Now that said, it is still fascinating, you know when we see this relationship emerge in experimental work as well, so we know there is this causal relationship, and yet it doesn't seem like people are always aware of it.

So it's a bit like the riddle about marriage and happiness, Like all the stats show that on average marriage people tend to be happier, But it did the marriage cause it? Or is it that the happier people get married because no one wants to marry us that'll get well, yeah.

So it's a bit like the riddle about marriage and happiness, Like all the stats show that on average marriage people tend to be happier, But it did the marriage cause it? Or is it that the happier people get married because no one wants to marry us that'll get well, yeah.

And you know, the really interesting thing with marriage is that the best longitudinal studies on this.

And you know, the really interesting thing with marriage is that the best longitudinal studies on this.

Where you follow the same people over.

Where you follow the same people over.

Time, suggest that people do get happier when they get married, but that boost and happiness last two years.

Time, suggest that people do get happier when they get married, but that boost and happiness last two years.

Now that's an average.

Now that's an average.

Individuals vary, So like if you went to your friend's wedding two years ago, you don't need to send a little, you know, condolence note. But certainly that's the sort of fundamental force that we as happiness researchers are working against. This thing called hedonic adaptation or whatever wonderful thing we have, we adapt to it. So it's super exciting to walk down the aisle. It's less exciting to walk down and see your spouse at the breakfast table.

Individuals vary, So like if you went to your friend's wedding two years ago, you don't need to send a little, you know, condolence note. But certainly that's the sort of fundamental force that we as happiness researchers are working against. This thing called hedonic adaptation or whatever wonderful thing we have, we adapt to it. So it's super exciting to walk down the aisle. It's less exciting to walk down and see your spouse at the breakfast table.

One thing I've learned about you, Liz, is that you have all the skepticism that you would hopeful from a scientist, and recently you've been involved in work trying to address what's been this crisis in social science that all these weird and wild experiments that were reported, some of them didn't replicate. Talk about the work you've been doing recently about that.

One thing I've learned about you, Liz, is that you have all the skepticism that you would hopeful from a scientist, and recently you've been involved in work trying to address what's been this crisis in social science that all these weird and wild experiments that were reported, some of them didn't replicate. Talk about the work you've been doing recently about that.

Yeah, so this is really important, and I think it's something that many people who are interested in psychology and behavioral science don't realize is that there's really been a revolution in behavioral science over the past decade where we came to realize that some of the really neat, exciting effects that some of you might have.

Yeah, so this is really important, and I think it's something that many people who are interested in psychology and behavioral science don't realize is that there's really been a revolution in behavioral science over the past decade where we came to realize that some of the really neat, exciting effects that some of you might have.

Heard about just don't replicate.

Heard about just don't replicate.

And so my lab has been involved, along with many other people in my field, in trying to change that, trying to create a more replicable, reliable, robust science. And so one of the big things that we've been involved in doing is pre registering our studies. So I'm going to get a little nerdy for a second, but I promise it's going to be worth it because it's super important. So in science sometimes it's like we throw a bunch of darts against the wall and then we draw the bullseye on afterward and say, hey, look we found what we expected to find, right, And there's an obvious problem with that because you don't know how many darts we actually shot. And so this is a problem not just for our psychology certainly, not just for happiness research, for really all of quantitative science. And so now what we're trying to do is pre register our studies and say up front, we're going to call our shot ahead of time and say this is what I'm going to do. This is how I'm going to test it, and I'm going to prove myself wrong that shot doesn't land. And so one thing that I've been doing is going and trying to reassess the happiness literature, in particular to try to understand, you know, how good does it look when we apply these newer approaches. Another really key piece is using larger samples. So if you look at some of the older psychology studies out there, they'll often have a teeny tiny number of participants, and this can leave us with a situation where those effects don't actually replicate.

And so my lab has been involved, along with many other people in my field, in trying to change that, trying to create a more replicable, reliable, robust science. And so one of the big things that we've been involved in doing is pre registering our studies. So I'm going to get a little nerdy for a second, but I promise it's going to be worth it because it's super important. So in science sometimes it's like we throw a bunch of darts against the wall and then we draw the bullseye on afterward and say, hey, look we found what we expected to find, right, And there's an obvious problem with that because you don't know how many darts we actually shot. And so this is a problem not just for our psychology certainly, not just for happiness research, for really all of quantitative science. And so now what we're trying to do is pre register our studies and say up front, we're going to call our shot ahead of time and say this is what I'm going to do. This is how I'm going to test it, and I'm going to prove myself wrong that shot doesn't land. And so one thing that I've been doing is going and trying to reassess the happiness literature, in particular to try to understand, you know, how good does it look when we apply these newer approaches. Another really key piece is using larger samples. So if you look at some of the older psychology studies out there, they'll often have a teeny tiny number of participants, and this can leave us with a situation where those effects don't actually replicate.

You can get.

You can get.

Little weird, fluky findings when you only study small numbers of people. So increasingly in my field, we're using much larger sample sizes, and that gives us much more reliable conclusions.

Little weird, fluky findings when you only study small numbers of people. So increasingly in my field, we're using much larger sample sizes, and that gives us much more reliable conclusions.

And your work found that actually quite a large percentage of some of the earlier work probably.

And your work found that actually quite a large percentage of some of the earlier work probably.

Wasn't that valid, right, I mean, we don't know for sure which studies would fail to replicate, but we found we looked at some of the most widely reported ideas about happiness in the media, So we looked at strategies like getting out in nature, practicing, meditation and mindfulness as well as exercise very popular strategies for promoting happiness, and we found that ninety five percent of those experiments really did.

Wasn't that valid, right, I mean, we don't know for sure which studies would fail to replicate, but we found we looked at some of the most widely reported ideas about happiness in the media, So we looked at strategies like getting out in nature, practicing, meditation and mindfulness as well as exercise very popular strategies for promoting happiness, and we found that ninety five percent of those experiments really did.

Not meet our current standards.

Not meet our current standards.

It doesn't mean that those things, like if you're super into meditation or exercise, I'm not saying like, give those things up and just watch Netflix because whatever.

It doesn't mean that those things, like if you're super into meditation or exercise, I'm not saying like, give those things up and just watch Netflix because whatever.

Like those things.

Like those things.

There's good reasons to believe those strategies should work. But it's just remarkable that we don't actually have the kind of evidence that we would consider the kind of modern gold standard to support them.

There's good reasons to believe those strategies should work. But it's just remarkable that we don't actually have the kind of evidence that we would consider the kind of modern gold standard to support them.

I mean, that seems like really important social science to do. I mean, as someone who loves being in nature, I would really like to know that my impression that it brings happiness wasn't just my imagination.

I mean, that seems like really important social science to do. I mean, as someone who loves being in nature, I would really like to know that my impression that it brings happiness wasn't just my imagination.

Right, And I mean you may know, right, Like one of the wonderful things about happiness is that you can experiment on yourself, right, and you can see, hey, does this.

Right, And I mean you may know, right, Like one of the wonderful things about happiness is that you can experiment on yourself, right, and you can see, hey, does this.

Make me happy? And that's great.

Make me happy? And that's great.

So if you find being in nature makes you happy, then do it. But if we want to make broader recommendations and really push forward policies and stuff, we want to know what has the most reliable and the biggest effects for the most people. It turns out that if you do little things like you say, oh, let me analyze the data a little bit differently, let me control for gender. These people seemed like they weren't really paying attention. I'm going to cut them from my study. Then you can quickly actually create an effect where none really exists. And that is what we are trying to change. And I think where our field has come so far over the past decade.

So if you find being in nature makes you happy, then do it. But if we want to make broader recommendations and really push forward policies and stuff, we want to know what has the most reliable and the biggest effects for the most people. It turns out that if you do little things like you say, oh, let me analyze the data a little bit differently, let me control for gender. These people seemed like they weren't really paying attention. I'm going to cut them from my study. Then you can quickly actually create an effect where none really exists. And that is what we are trying to change. And I think where our field has come so far over the past decade.

So wearing your full skeptical hat, you and I we had a conversation in twenty twenty about a crazy idea that happened because there was a donor in the tech community who wanted to give away a million dollars and to do some social science in the process. Talk about what happened.

So wearing your full skeptical hat, you and I we had a conversation in twenty twenty about a crazy idea that happened because there was a donor in the tech community who wanted to give away a million dollars and to do some social science in the process. Talk about what happened.

This was like the coolest phone call I've ever gotten, where Chris called me and said, you know, I've got this interesting opportunity. Is this something that your lab would like to study where we could potentially I think initially that we would give ten thousand US dollars to one hundred people in multiple countries around the world and study what happened. And I was blown away. I was very excited I was like, count me in. And then we got to talking more and we thought it would be interesting to vary, you know, to have a couple of different conditions or groups. So give these groups some different instructions and be able to test what kind of difference that made. And so we thought, well, maybe we could take that hundred people and split it into two groups of fifty. And that's where I gave you, like a born lecture on statistics and how like, when you have fifty people per group, it's actually not necessarily enough to detect these effects in a really reliable way. So I said, is there any way we could have two groups of one hundred people? You know, it would two million dollars be possible? And I let me tell you, as somebody who like applies to academic funding agencies, I just expected the answer to be no. But I was like, ah, you might might as well mention this, and you can.

This was like the coolest phone call I've ever gotten, where Chris called me and said, you know, I've got this interesting opportunity. Is this something that your lab would like to study where we could potentially I think initially that we would give ten thousand US dollars to one hundred people in multiple countries around the world and study what happened. And I was blown away. I was very excited I was like, count me in. And then we got to talking more and we thought it would be interesting to vary, you know, to have a couple of different conditions or groups. So give these groups some different instructions and be able to test what kind of difference that made. And so we thought, well, maybe we could take that hundred people and split it into two groups of fifty. And that's where I gave you, like a born lecture on statistics and how like, when you have fifty people per group, it's actually not necessarily enough to detect these effects in a really reliable way. So I said, is there any way we could have two groups of one hundred people? You know, it would two million dollars be possible? And I let me tell you, as somebody who like applies to academic funding agencies, I just expected the answer to be no. But I was like, ah, you might might as well mention this, and you can.

This is the tech community is full of surprises. It really is full of surprises. And I'm so, but also be careful what proposal you put to Liz done. But so yeah, so ended up being two hundred people getting ten thousand dollars each. That was the plan. How did you structure the ex.

This is the tech community is full of surprises. It really is full of surprises. And I'm so, but also be careful what proposal you put to Liz done. But so yeah, so ended up being two hundred people getting ten thousand dollars each. That was the plan. How did you structure the ex.

Yeah, so we had one group of one hundred people who were told to share their participation in this experiment publicly. So they were told to share this with their social networks on Twitter at the time, now x, and then we told the other one hundred to just keep this on the download. You know, you can tell a couple close friends and family if you need to, but basically keep this news private. And so this allowed us to look at whether sharing this news publicly would make a difference for how people spent the money or how they felt about it. And also, in one of our early conversations, I said, you know what would be really great is if we could have a control group of people that don't get any money and we could study them all along the way. And you were like, okay, Liz, yeah, sure we can do that too. So we had this control group of folks that were chosen at random. So, after recruiting people making sure they qualify, we randomly assign people to either get this money, share it publicly, get this money, keep it, keep this news private, or not get any money, but complete all of our surveys and get a small fee for completing the surveys.

Yeah, so we had one group of one hundred people who were told to share their participation in this experiment publicly. So they were told to share this with their social networks on Twitter at the time, now x, and then we told the other one hundred to just keep this on the download. You know, you can tell a couple close friends and family if you need to, but basically keep this news private. And so this allowed us to look at whether sharing this news publicly would make a difference for how people spent the money or how they felt about it. And also, in one of our early conversations, I said, you know what would be really great is if we could have a control group of people that don't get any money and we could study them all along the way. And you were like, okay, Liz, yeah, sure we can do that too. So we had this control group of folks that were chosen at random. So, after recruiting people making sure they qualify, we randomly assign people to either get this money, share it publicly, get this money, keep it, keep this news private, or not get any money, but complete all of our surveys and get a small fee for completing the surveys.

And specifically what they were told is that this money was up to them as to how they could spend it. First all, when they were recruited, because I got to play a role in recruiting people, and we basically I put out a tweet saying, Hey, do you want to participate in an interesting experiment? Could be stressful, could be potentially life changing, will take quite a bit of time, what do you think? But with no mention of money. So we got people not knowing really what they were signing up for. And then when we told them they were getting ten thousand dollars, like, some of them were like, oh, it's a scam.

And specifically what they were told is that this money was up to them as to how they could spend it. First all, when they were recruited, because I got to play a role in recruiting people, and we basically I put out a tweet saying, Hey, do you want to participate in an interesting experiment? Could be stressful, could be potentially life changing, will take quite a bit of time, what do you think? But with no mention of money. So we got people not knowing really what they were signing up for. And then when we told them they were getting ten thousand dollars, like, some of them were like, oh, it's a scam.

And I think that was one of the biggest challenges, right, because if you go to the spam folder of your inbox right now, you can probably find an offer like this, right, So we had to I think one of the biggest challenges was convincing people was real. And so you made a great video of yourself, just like kind of a low production video explaining to people what was happening. And I think that was really important and kind of convincing people like, no, for real, We're going to send you ten thousand dollars The.

And I think that was one of the biggest challenges, right, because if you go to the spam folder of your inbox right now, you can probably find an offer like this, right, So we had to I think one of the biggest challenges was convincing people was real. And so you made a great video of yourself, just like kind of a low production video explaining to people what was happening. And I think that was really important and kind of convincing people like, no, for real, We're going to send you ten thousand dollars The.

Only real strings attached then was that they just had to report back to us how to fill out a survey every few months.

Only real strings attached then was that they just had to report back to us how to fill out a survey every few months.

Basically once yeah, every month for three months, and then again at.

Basically once yeah, every month for three months, and then again at.

A six month mark.

A six month mark.

Yeah.

Yeah.

Right. So what did we discover?

Right. So what did we discover?

Well, we learned a lot from this experiment, and I just want to say one of the really beautiful things about this whole experience was that we were able to conduct this experiment at a scale that I never would have thought was possible, and the donors were so committed to doing the science really carefully too, and so we were able to address several long standing fundamental questions in behavioral science. And I think the one that was probably the core question that we started with was how would people spend this money and would they use it in ways that benefited others? I think one of the remarkable findings from this study was that people used the majority of this money, over six thousand dollars of the ten thousand dollars windfall, in ways that benefited other people.

Well, we learned a lot from this experiment, and I just want to say one of the really beautiful things about this whole experience was that we were able to conduct this experiment at a scale that I never would have thought was possible, and the donors were so committed to doing the science really carefully too, and so we were able to address several long standing fundamental questions in behavioral science. And I think the one that was probably the core question that we started with was how would people spend this money and would they use it in ways that benefited others? I think one of the remarkable findings from this study was that people used the majority of this money, over six thousand dollars of the ten thousand dollars windfall, in ways that benefited other people.

Now, we were.

Now, we were.

Defining benefiting other people in a broad way, as you know, any way that was you know, it could be anything from taking friends out for dinner to making a donation to charity, to treating a loved one to something special. So perhaps in that sense, it's not so surprising that that number was big. But even when we look at a much narrower definition, we look just at charitable donations, we still found that people spent almost seventeen hundred dollars on average just on charitable donations.

Defining benefiting other people in a broad way, as you know, any way that was you know, it could be anything from taking friends out for dinner to making a donation to charity, to treating a loved one to something special. So perhaps in that sense, it's not so surprising that that number was big. But even when we look at a much narrower definition, we look just at charitable donations, we still found that people spent almost seventeen hundred dollars on average just on charitable donations.

And you know that that kind of blew me away.

And you know that that kind of blew me away.

In general, people I think, on average, spend two or three or four percent at most of their income on charity, and that's a massive increase. So what's going on there?

In general, people I think, on average, spend two or three or four percent at most of their income on charity, and that's a massive increase. So what's going on there?

Well, I mean, I think one important component here is that it was a gift, right, So it wasn't like people earned this money per se. It wasn't something that they were expecting. It began with an active generosity by the donors. And I think that's still very interesting, right, that one powerful act of generosity, and in some cases the kinds of donations that people were making could themselves create other opportunities, could have these incredible ripple effects into some of the communities.

Well, I mean, I think one important component here is that it was a gift, right, So it wasn't like people earned this money per se. It wasn't something that they were expecting. It began with an active generosity by the donors. And I think that's still very interesting, right, that one powerful act of generosity, and in some cases the kinds of donations that people were making could themselves create other opportunities, could have these incredible ripple effects into some of the communities.

To me, that was one piece of it that was just so powerful.

To me, that was one piece of it that was just so powerful.

Was there a difference in the behavior between people who on social media proudly boasting of the amount that they were giving away to those who were keeping in private.

Was there a difference in the behavior between people who on social media proudly boasting of the amount that they were giving away to those who were keeping in private.

Yeah, so we expected that there would be a difference. We thought people who were sharing this publicly would spend more on others. If everyone knows you've got this money and whatever, you can imagine, you would spend it more generously. We pre registered that prediction, so we set up front, Hey, this is what we think we're going to find this, how we're going to test it.

Yeah, so we expected that there would be a difference. We thought people who were sharing this publicly would spend more on others. If everyone knows you've got this money and whatever, you can imagine, you would spend it more generously. We pre registered that prediction, so we set up front, Hey, this is what we think we're going to find this, how we're going to test it.

And we were wrong.

And we were wrong.

So we found that it did not matter whether people publicly sharing this information or not. Either way, we found these very high levels of generosity, which you could call a field experiment, but I call like a beautiful testament to humanity that like, even when they're spending choice is private, they still chose to spend the majority of the money in ways that benefited others.

So we found that it did not matter whether people publicly sharing this information or not. Either way, we found these very high levels of generosity, which you could call a field experiment, but I call like a beautiful testament to humanity that like, even when they're spending choice is private, they still chose to spend the majority of the money in ways that benefited others.

So it really was this was a response to generosity. It wasn't an attempt to boost reputation. It seemed.

So it really was this was a response to generosity. It wasn't an attempt to boost reputation. It seemed.

Yeah, I mean we can't. Of course, it's possible that some people were you know, taking friends out for dinner and in a way that can have reputational benefits. So we can almost never erase reputation. And that's part of it. And something that I love in your book is that you say, you know, it's not necessarily bad if people are engaging in generous behavior to enhance their reputations, Like, what a wonderful feature of humanity, that that's something a way that we would want to increase our enhance our reputation. But yet we designed what we felt was a very powerful manipulation of reputational concerns and it did not matter.

Yeah, I mean we can't. Of course, it's possible that some people were you know, taking friends out for dinner and in a way that can have reputational benefits. So we can almost never erase reputation. And that's part of it. And something that I love in your book is that you say, you know, it's not necessarily bad if people are engaging in generous behavior to enhance their reputations, Like, what a wonderful feature of humanity, that that's something a way that we would want to increase our enhance our reputation. But yet we designed what we felt was a very powerful manipulation of reputational concerns and it did not matter.

So that tells us to me.

So that tells us to me.

My takeaway from that is that you know, perhaps reputational concerns are not a necessary or driving force behind generosity.

My takeaway from that is that you know, perhaps reputational concerns are not a necessary or driving force behind generosity.

And have you heard from other social scientists that they view that this is a contribution to the science.

And have you heard from other social scientists that they view that this is a contribution to the science.

Yeah, we've gotten an amazing response to this from the scientific community, and I think because we had the opportunity to scale this up, to have this diverse, worldwide sample, to work with amounts of money that are deeply meaningful. So for folks who were in lower income countries who participated, we were essentially doubling their annual income with this gift.

Yeah, we've gotten an amazing response to this from the scientific community, and I think because we had the opportunity to scale this up, to have this diverse, worldwide sample, to work with amounts of money that are deeply meaningful. So for folks who were in lower income countries who participated, we were essentially doubling their annual income with this gift.

So it was a huge amount of money.

So it was a huge amount of money.

In contrast the kinds of experiments my lab has done throughout my career are usually more on the order of ten dollars, and so one might say, well, sure people feel happy when they give away a few dollars, but they don't really care.

In contrast the kinds of experiments my lab has done throughout my career are usually more on the order of ten dollars, and so one might say, well, sure people feel happy when they give away a few dollars, but they don't really care.

And so this shows us with.

And so this shows us with.

Very large amounts of money people are giving a lot and as well, I'm sure talk about more getting a lot of joy from it.

Very large amounts of money people are giving a lot and as well, I'm sure talk about more getting a lot of joy from it.

So talk about the first pape you published.

So talk about the first pape you published.

Yeah, So.

Yeah, So.

Chris started out, of course with this interest in how generously are people going to spend the money?

Chris started out, of course with this interest in how generously are people going to spend the money?

And I wanted to know the answer to that too.

And I wanted to know the answer to that too.

But I was like, this experiment can answer a lot of fascinating questions. And one thing that I wanted to know just how much happiness can two million dollars buy when it's distributed across a large, diverse group of people, as opposed to concentrated in the hands of one affluent couple. And so, in a paper that is entitled Wealth Redistribution Promotes Happiness, we demonstrate and quantify just how much happiness two million dollars can buy. And one of the things that we demonstrate is that by giving this money away to this diverse group of people, this couple provided two hundred and twenty five times as much happiness as they could possibly have found for themselves from this money.

But I was like, this experiment can answer a lot of fascinating questions. And one thing that I wanted to know just how much happiness can two million dollars buy when it's distributed across a large, diverse group of people, as opposed to concentrated in the hands of one affluent couple. And so, in a paper that is entitled Wealth Redistribution Promotes Happiness, we demonstrate and quantify just how much happiness two million dollars can buy. And one of the things that we demonstrate is that by giving this money away to this diverse group of people, this couple provided two hundred and twenty five times as much happiness as they could possibly have found for themselves from this money.

And that's an incredible number and wonderful when you think about it, feminine, it's kind of obvious. I mean, when someone's rich, how much happier can a bit of extra money actually make them? Not much? But when it shared out, we know that that can make a lot of difference to a lot of people. I've just been hit so many times since thinking about this work and writing the book of just how big a deal it is that generosity is fundamentally asymmetric. This is a really really exciting feature about things that we normally think of the world in zero some terms. You know, the reason people don't give is because of loss, a version you don't want to give away you lose it. It feels like you know, you're gain my loss, no thank you. But actually there are so many circumstances when that is not the case. There's so much inequality in the world, and that money is sitting there, and the cost to the richer person literally is pretty low. And in fact, you could argue and and in fact some of the other days you've shown is that the actual act of generosity doesn't cost them any happiness either it actually boosts their happiness. And so it's this kind of thinking which which really gave me no choice but to write this book. And if there was a culture of generosity, everyone benefits in the most amazing way, and we're all connected, and so it should be easier to do this than ever. So, so, how on earth is it that we're actually experiencing being in a world that's getting meaner?

And that's an incredible number and wonderful when you think about it, feminine, it's kind of obvious. I mean, when someone's rich, how much happier can a bit of extra money actually make them? Not much? But when it shared out, we know that that can make a lot of difference to a lot of people. I've just been hit so many times since thinking about this work and writing the book of just how big a deal it is that generosity is fundamentally asymmetric. This is a really really exciting feature about things that we normally think of the world in zero some terms. You know, the reason people don't give is because of loss, a version you don't want to give away you lose it. It feels like you know, you're gain my loss, no thank you. But actually there are so many circumstances when that is not the case. There's so much inequality in the world, and that money is sitting there, and the cost to the richer person literally is pretty low. And in fact, you could argue and and in fact some of the other days you've shown is that the actual act of generosity doesn't cost them any happiness either it actually boosts their happiness. And so it's this kind of thinking which which really gave me no choice but to write this book. And if there was a culture of generosity, everyone benefits in the most amazing way, and we're all connected, and so it should be easier to do this than ever. So, so, how on earth is it that we're actually experiencing being in a world that's getting meaner?

Well, you know, I don't know if we are living in a world that's getting meaner. I think that, you know, we have that perception, but I think one thing that we've been seeing already just this week at TED so far is how much of that may be an illusion and how much good really is happening. And that's one thing that I love about this experiment is that it really highlights, like when we did the science very carefully and tracked exactly what happened, you know, we were discovering that people were spending this money in ways that benefited others, paying this.

Well, you know, I don't know if we are living in a world that's getting meaner. I think that, you know, we have that perception, but I think one thing that we've been seeing already just this week at TED so far is how much of that may be an illusion and how much good really is happening. And that's one thing that I love about this experiment is that it really highlights, like when we did the science very carefully and tracked exactly what happened, you know, we were discovering that people were spending this money in ways that benefited others, paying this.

Act of generosity forward.

Act of generosity forward.

And so I actually, especially after doing this experiment, I feel pretty good about humanity's potential for goodness.

And so I actually, especially after doing this experiment, I feel pretty good about humanity's potential for goodness.

So part of the riddle is that we are filtering the stories we tell each other about humanity in a way that's very destructive. Social media algorithms are probably helping with this, and that when you actually pull the camera back and look for actual data about what's happening in the world, really different pictures can amaze. And certainly what you know in doing research for this book, my brilliant researcher is actually here, Kate. Kate Honey spent a couple of years researching and looking for stories under the radar, and there are so many stories of people doing kind things that create these amazing ripple effects. Are they on your news feed? They are not. And so it's tragic because there's a saying we are shaped by the stories we tell ourselves. There's evidence for this.

So part of the riddle is that we are filtering the stories we tell each other about humanity in a way that's very destructive. Social media algorithms are probably helping with this, and that when you actually pull the camera back and look for actual data about what's happening in the world, really different pictures can amaze. And certainly what you know in doing research for this book, my brilliant researcher is actually here, Kate. Kate Honey spent a couple of years researching and looking for stories under the radar, and there are so many stories of people doing kind things that create these amazing ripple effects. Are they on your news feed? They are not. And so it's tragic because there's a saying we are shaped by the stories we tell ourselves. There's evidence for this.

Yes, that's right, And I think it can also be a kind of self reinforcing cycle where if we feel like the world is this terrible place where nobody's doing anything good, then why should I step up and do something positive? And so I think flipping that script is incredibly important.

Yes, that's right, And I think it can also be a kind of self reinforcing cycle where if we feel like the world is this terrible place where nobody's doing anything good, then why should I step up and do something positive? And so I think flipping that script is incredibly important.

Well, one of the joyful things was that after the experiment was done and the science was sort of locked down, I got to write to some of the people who'd participated because they'd told us, you know, what they're done, and I got to ask them, why did you do that? And it was an amazing consistent picture that came back. People often use the same language. A typical thing that people said, and this surprised me was I felt seen, you know, the act this is weird to me, like being given ten thousand dollars by a stranger on the internet. They felt I felt seen, and I felt like I needed to let other people feel seen the way I had felt seen. So this was quite a powerful, you know, biological thing that really surprised me. But several of them said, if I'd won this money in a lottery, I wouldn't have behaved this way.

Well, one of the joyful things was that after the experiment was done and the science was sort of locked down, I got to write to some of the people who'd participated because they'd told us, you know, what they're done, and I got to ask them, why did you do that? And it was an amazing consistent picture that came back. People often use the same language. A typical thing that people said, and this surprised me was I felt seen, you know, the act this is weird to me, like being given ten thousand dollars by a stranger on the internet. They felt I felt seen, and I felt like I needed to let other people feel seen the way I had felt seen. So this was quite a powerful, you know, biological thing that really surprised me. But several of them said, if I'd won this money in a lottery, I wouldn't have behaved this way.

Well, and that's a really interesting hypothesis, right, So is it the case, you know, that they wouldn't have been so generous had we described the source of the money differently? And I think you and I had a conversation after we'd collected the data, after we'd run the experiment, and you said, I wish we'd, you know, had this other condition where we told people the money was, you know, from a lottery or if they'd earned it or something.

Well, and that's a really interesting hypothesis, right, So is it the case, you know, that they wouldn't have been so generous had we described the source of the money differently? And I think you and I had a conversation after we'd collected the data, after we'd run the experiment, and you said, I wish we'd, you know, had this other condition where we told people the money was, you know, from a lottery or if they'd earned it or something.

And I was like, welcome to being a scientist.

And I was like, welcome to being a scientist.

This is the experience you always have after you run the experiment, you wish.

This is the experience you always have after you run the experiment, you wish.

You want the next thing.

You want the next thing.

But that's also the beautiful thing about sciences that were each each question we try to answer propels us toward the next one. And I think that's a really, really fascinating one that you know, if anyone wants to donate two million dollars, I'd love to pursue.

But that's also the beautiful thing about sciences that were each each question we try to answer propels us toward the next one. And I think that's a really, really fascinating one that you know, if anyone wants to donate two million dollars, I'd love to pursue.

But there was there's a third payper you're working on. Tell us about that one.

But there was there's a third payper you're working on. Tell us about that one.

Yeah, So in the paper that we're currently writing up, so you all are among the first to hear about it. We were looking at the choices that people made about how to spend the money in terms of the implications for their own happiness. So we painstakingly coded each and every spending description to assess how people had spent the money. So we placed each purchase into seventeen different possible categories, ranging from paying for utility bills, buying durable goods, buying purchases that would save you time, all kinds of different things. And then we looked at how much happiness each purchase provided participants. And so what we discovered is that out of all seventeen categories. The type of spending that provided the highest level of happiness was in fact, making charitable donations, so it confirmed what we had seen in previous research, but with much larger spending amounts. If you're curious what some of the others were. Second place was buying experiences, so you know, going on trips, going out for special meals. These also provided a lot of happiness. One that hasn't popped up in previous research, but that we discovered in this study produced particularly high levels of happiness was spending money on education.

Yeah, So in the paper that we're currently writing up, so you all are among the first to hear about it. We were looking at the choices that people made about how to spend the money in terms of the implications for their own happiness. So we painstakingly coded each and every spending description to assess how people had spent the money. So we placed each purchase into seventeen different possible categories, ranging from paying for utility bills, buying durable goods, buying purchases that would save you time, all kinds of different things. And then we looked at how much happiness each purchase provided participants. And so what we discovered is that out of all seventeen categories. The type of spending that provided the highest level of happiness was in fact, making charitable donations, so it confirmed what we had seen in previous research, but with much larger spending amounts. If you're curious what some of the others were. Second place was buying experiences, so you know, going on trips, going out for special meals. These also provided a lot of happiness. One that hasn't popped up in previous research, but that we discovered in this study produced particularly high levels of happiness was spending money on education.

And as a professor, I like that one.

And as a professor, I like that one.

This one thing I'm puzzled by is that, I mean, in one level, it makes sense why being generous would bring happiness with it. If you think from an evolutionary perspective, you would want there to be a reward for cooperative behavior because there's obviously, you know, the belief is that species that learn to cooperate get benefit from it, and so you need that reward to do it. And yet, unlike with other types of happiness, it doesn't seem to be advertised. So if I'm hungry, I know that if I eat, I will feel better, and you can say the same for most other sort of obvious sort of biological urges. But on this one, I think a lot of people don't know that they're going to be happy. It becomes a matter of sort of wisdom passed down by the elders in your community or something like that, or something that you eventually discover. Why do you think that is hidden?

This one thing I'm puzzled by is that, I mean, in one level, it makes sense why being generous would bring happiness with it. If you think from an evolutionary perspective, you would want there to be a reward for cooperative behavior because there's obviously, you know, the belief is that species that learn to cooperate get benefit from it, and so you need that reward to do it. And yet, unlike with other types of happiness, it doesn't seem to be advertised. So if I'm hungry, I know that if I eat, I will feel better, and you can say the same for most other sort of obvious sort of biological urges. But on this one, I think a lot of people don't know that they're going to be happy. It becomes a matter of sort of wisdom passed down by the elders in your community or something like that, or something that you eventually discover. Why do you think that is hidden?

Yeah, I mean, I think it's actually surprisingly difficult for people to figure out what makes them happy.

Yeah, I mean, I think it's actually surprisingly difficult for people to figure out what makes them happy.

For one thing.

For one thing.

You know, we can notice that we feel happy after you know, helping a friend engaging in some active generosity, but we might say, oh, it's because you know, my friend was in this particular situation and I'm glad that I was able to help her out with that. But we don't necessarily make the right broader inference of like this is about generosity as a whole. And I think there's also just a lot of smoke screens in our society where that's not necessarily the message that we hear. Although it's interesting because I have gotten, you know, letters from people saying, why did we need you as a social scientist to tell us that giving makes us happy? This is something that is you know, taught to us in religious traditions, by grandparents and so forth. So those messages are out there. But I think it's really interesting the point you make about, you know, feeling hungry, because I think it's when people are in the moment that they don't necessarily realize, oh, this is the best thing that I could do with this money is use it to benefit somebody else. And in fact, we've run studies where we say, hey, we can give you money and want you to tell us what would make you the happiest, and they don't tend to think of using it to benefit others. So's there does seem to be something about money in particular that puts people in this mindset of looking out for themselves, and so that that may actually serve to distract us from this broader knowledge that we have maybe picked up from important people and traditions in our life that may get lost when we're faced with that, you know wallet.

You know, we can notice that we feel happy after you know, helping a friend engaging in some active generosity, but we might say, oh, it's because you know, my friend was in this particular situation and I'm glad that I was able to help her out with that. But we don't necessarily make the right broader inference of like this is about generosity as a whole. And I think there's also just a lot of smoke screens in our society where that's not necessarily the message that we hear. Although it's interesting because I have gotten, you know, letters from people saying, why did we need you as a social scientist to tell us that giving makes us happy? This is something that is you know, taught to us in religious traditions, by grandparents and so forth. So those messages are out there. But I think it's really interesting the point you make about, you know, feeling hungry, because I think it's when people are in the moment that they don't necessarily realize, oh, this is the best thing that I could do with this money is use it to benefit somebody else. And in fact, we've run studies where we say, hey, we can give you money and want you to tell us what would make you the happiest, and they don't tend to think of using it to benefit others. So's there does seem to be something about money in particular that puts people in this mindset of looking out for themselves, and so that that may actually serve to distract us from this broader knowledge that we have maybe picked up from important people and traditions in our life that may get lost when we're faced with that, you know wallet.

In your wonderful ted talk, you said that generosity doesn't always bring happiness. What matters is how it's done, and that generosity that is done where there is direct contact, for example, with a person, when you can feel or see the human impact of it, works a lot better. In terms of bringing happiness. Could you say a bit more about that.

In your wonderful ted talk, you said that generosity doesn't always bring happiness. What matters is how it's done, and that generosity that is done where there is direct contact, for example, with a person, when you can feel or see the human impact of it, works a lot better. In terms of bringing happiness. Could you say a bit more about that.

Yeah, So I would say there's sort of three key ingredients that are pretty essential in turning generosity into happiness. So one is feeling a sense of connection ideally with it, you know, the individuals or the causing you are helping, having that actual In my case, for example, we were able to privately sponsor a family of Searian refugees to come to Vancouver, and we were literally picking them up at the airport and hugging them, and so that's like the ultimate form of contact. But even if you're a little bit more removed from that, feeling that sense of connection is critically important, and I think a lot of charitable giving opportunities don't offer that, and that there's this beautiful space for innovation and figuring out how to create that, particularly when we're giving to people far away. So connection is probably the number one. But also impact matters, so being able to really understand or at least vividly imagine how your generosity is making a difference.

Yeah, So I would say there's sort of three key ingredients that are pretty essential in turning generosity into happiness. So one is feeling a sense of connection ideally with it, you know, the individuals or the causing you are helping, having that actual In my case, for example, we were able to privately sponsor a family of Searian refugees to come to Vancouver, and we were literally picking them up at the airport and hugging them, and so that's like the ultimate form of contact. But even if you're a little bit more removed from that, feeling that sense of connection is critically important, and I think a lot of charitable giving opportunities don't offer that, and that there's this beautiful space for innovation and figuring out how to create that, particularly when we're giving to people far away. So connection is probably the number one. But also impact matters, so being able to really understand or at least vividly imagine how your generosity is making a difference.

And finally, choice matters, So feeling that.

And finally, choice matters, So feeling that.

You have a sense of choice, of autonomy of agency. There's no better way to rob people of the joy of giving than to back them into a corner and make them feel like they've been forced to give. And so I think, you know, we want to keep these ingredients in mind because ideally we are building a future that is filled with opportunities to give in these joyful ways that involve you know, connection, impact, and choice.

You have a sense of choice, of autonomy of agency. There's no better way to rob people of the joy of giving than to back them into a corner and make them feel like they've been forced to give. And so I think, you know, we want to keep these ingredients in mind because ideally we are building a future that is filled with opportunities to give in these joyful ways that involve you know, connection, impact, and choice.

So help connect the dots here because that makes a lot of sense to me, But it also seems to contradict another piece of advice that feels important, which is that we want people to bring their minds to their giving. So much of you know, life is this battle between our instincts and then our reflective selves. And Paul Bloom, who's been on this podcast series, I wrote a book called Against Empathy where he was arguing that, you know, we have these powerful feelings of empathy. You see someone suffering, you want to help them, and quite possibly that does bring with it most happiness, but it may distract us from the wisest spending of money. So many people their charitable lives are limited to oh, I saw some need on TV of some disaster, and so I'll text the money there and then you forget about it. And part of what we want to argue for is for people to be reflective and almost strategic about their giving so that they can spend the money wisely. Now that may mean that that doesn't make them as happy because you're not triggering those instants out of human instinctive selves. How might we bridge and get the best of both worlds here?

So help connect the dots here because that makes a lot of sense to me, But it also seems to contradict another piece of advice that feels important, which is that we want people to bring their minds to their giving. So much of you know, life is this battle between our instincts and then our reflective selves. And Paul Bloom, who's been on this podcast series, I wrote a book called Against Empathy where he was arguing that, you know, we have these powerful feelings of empathy. You see someone suffering, you want to help them, and quite possibly that does bring with it most happiness, but it may distract us from the wisest spending of money. So many people their charitable lives are limited to oh, I saw some need on TV of some disaster, and so I'll text the money there and then you forget about it. And part of what we want to argue for is for people to be reflective and almost strategic about their giving so that they can spend the money wisely. Now that may mean that that doesn't make them as happy because you're not triggering those instants out of human instinctive selves. How might we bridge and get the best of both worlds here?

Yeah, I think the key to bridging those worlds is to focus on impact. Because obviously impact is what matters when we're kind of thinking with our heads. But we also see in our research that people get a lot more joy from giving when they can see or vividly imagine the impact that they're having. And so I think making it possible for charities that really do have a genuine impact bringing that out in a way that potential donors can see it, understand it, vividly experience it. I think that is an opportunity where our heads and our hearts meet and can center around impact. That said, you mentioned you know, is this the wisest use.

Yeah, I think the key to bridging those worlds is to focus on impact. Because obviously impact is what matters when we're kind of thinking with our heads. But we also see in our research that people get a lot more joy from giving when they can see or vividly imagine the impact that they're having. And so I think making it possible for charities that really do have a genuine impact bringing that out in a way that potential donors can see it, understand it, vividly experience it. I think that is an opportunity where our heads and our hearts meet and can center around impact. That said, you mentioned you know, is this the wisest use.

Of your money?

Of your money?

And my favorite part of your book was arguing that maybe that's not the right question.

And my favorite part of your book was arguing that maybe that's not the right question.

Maybe we shouldn't be trying.

Maybe we shouldn't be trying.

For the wisest use of our charitable donation money or our pro social spending because that puts us in a trap. And I've experienced this myself where I'm like, I have to find the best charity doing X right, and then I don't get around to donating, or I just get in my head about it. And so I love your book for sort of freeing people to say, is this a good use of the money? And if the answer is yes, then maybe greenlight yourself to go ahead and donate.

For the wisest use of our charitable donation money or our pro social spending because that puts us in a trap. And I've experienced this myself where I'm like, I have to find the best charity doing X right, and then I don't get around to donating, or I just get in my head about it. And so I love your book for sort of freeing people to say, is this a good use of the money? And if the answer is yes, then maybe greenlight yourself to go ahead and donate.

Yes. I like that. We have to really know ourselves and figure out one how to avoid that trap. Two how to feed some of those human instincts. So, say you discover make an intellectual conclusion that an organization is a wise one to support, don't just stop there. Give your humanness a chance to actually see the impact. So the statistics coming out of that group won't be enough, But maybe if you actually can meet and get to know some of the stories that are actually behind those statistics, and perhaps join a community of other people who are supporting them, that is the kind of thing that can carry you on and turn a sort of short term intellectual decision that's smart into an emotional thing that actually brings with it joy and habit making.

Yes. I like that. We have to really know ourselves and figure out one how to avoid that trap. Two how to feed some of those human instincts. So, say you discover make an intellectual conclusion that an organization is a wise one to support, don't just stop there. Give your humanness a chance to actually see the impact. So the statistics coming out of that group won't be enough, But maybe if you actually can meet and get to know some of the stories that are actually behind those statistics, and perhaps join a community of other people who are supporting them, that is the kind of thing that can carry you on and turn a sort of short term intellectual decision that's smart into an emotional thing that actually brings with it joy and habit making.

Yeah, and I think for folks working in the nonprofit world, contemplating not just how can we get donors to give more money, but how can we make the experience of donation more joyful is potentially a way to tackle that question from a different perspective.

Yeah, and I think for folks working in the nonprofit world, contemplating not just how can we get donors to give more money, but how can we make the experience of donation more joyful is potentially a way to tackle that question from a different perspective.

Well, okay, so ted, audience, this is your turn. Now. If you have a question for Liz, please raise your hand, A microphone will come to you and we're going to get through as many as we can. Hi.

Well, okay, so ted, audience, this is your turn. Now. If you have a question for Liz, please raise your hand, A microphone will come to you and we're going to get through as many as we can. Hi.

Yes, Sarah.

Yes, Sarah.

So I'm wondering is there a direct correlation between the amount of happiness and the amount of generosity? Do you get so much more money happiness out of giving a million versus out of giving a thousand, And what does that sort of racial look like.

So I'm wondering is there a direct correlation between the amount of happiness and the amount of generosity? Do you get so much more money happiness out of giving a million versus out of giving a thousand, And what does that sort of racial look like.

This is actually a surprisingly difficult question to answer. Certainly there is a relationship, and in fact there's a relationship. What we see in the data from the Mystery experiment is that just in general, people get more happiness from more expensive stuff. So like the more money they spent on a purchase, the more the higher they tend to rate it. Not perfectly in terms of happiness, but certainly that relationship is there.

This is actually a surprisingly difficult question to answer. Certainly there is a relationship, and in fact there's a relationship. What we see in the data from the Mystery experiment is that just in general, people get more happiness from more expensive stuff. So like the more money they spent on a purchase, the more the higher they tend to rate it. Not perfectly in terms of happiness, but certainly that relationship is there.

So I would say.

So I would say.

Overall, larger amounts of money spent charitably do provide more happiness. And yet it is not at all like a perfect or super strong relationship, because people can also spend a pretty small amount of money but do so in a way that provides a ton of connection, a lot of impacts and the felt from really chosen and that can deliver a big boost in terms of happiness. So it's certainly not just like a dollar for dollar kind of relationship. And I will say too, I just want to mention there's more to discover in these data. And we have done a lot of work on our side to make these data.

Overall, larger amounts of money spent charitably do provide more happiness. And yet it is not at all like a perfect or super strong relationship, because people can also spend a pretty small amount of money but do so in a way that provides a ton of connection, a lot of impacts and the felt from really chosen and that can deliver a big boost in terms of happiness. So it's certainly not just like a dollar for dollar kind of relationship. And I will say too, I just want to mention there's more to discover in these data. And we have done a lot of work on our side to make these data.

Accessible to researchers. So researchers need to come to us.

Accessible to researchers. So researchers need to come to us.

We'll check their credentials and everything, but we think there are unanswered questions. So or if you are a scientist or a curious philanthropist and want to try to figure something out. One thing we've talked about is trying to make these data as much of a gift to the scientific community as we can by allowing people to use the data to answer their own questions.

We'll check their credentials and everything, but we think there are unanswered questions. So or if you are a scientist or a curious philanthropist and want to try to figure something out. One thing we've talked about is trying to make these data as much of a gift to the scientific community as we can by allowing people to use the data to answer their own questions.

So I'm very nique, thank you for this. This is fascinating. So I work in the US, but I live in Europe and My question is to what extent does culture impact how generous we are, Because what I've seen is that in the US it's a very giving culture when it comes to making a check, supporting your local charity, donating your time. In Europe it's very, very different, and it's really hard to find local charities, not even for children. Or I tried to put something together for my daughter's school, and everybody was so shocked, you know, and I think they even doubted my intentions. It was really crazy. So I had a thought, and I'd love to know what you think. So in America we pay fewer taxes, really, and there isn't this social safety net. So maybe there's we have to do this because we have to fill the gaps, and maybe in Europe that's not the case and we pay a lot of taxes. That's a theory, but I think it's probably more complex than that.