There's a new sheriff in town.

There's a new sheriff in town.

I don't know about you, but watching President Trump attend or President elect, I know he's still my president attend the reopening of Paris's Notre Dame Cathedral after the fire that created a lot of damage five years ago, Well what did we see? We saw him greeted with red carpet. We saw world leaders standing up to shake his hand. And I don't know about you, but I thought to myself, you know, America is back. This is the respect that America should demand, that an American president should demand. So we know that we've seen an unraveling of that power on the world stage under Joe Biden. Obviously, there's a lot of chaos around the world, particularly in the Middle East and Europe right now. So how difficult will it be for President Trump to reassert America's authority in the world.

I don't know about you, but watching President Trump attend or President elect, I know he's still my president attend the reopening of Paris's Notre Dame Cathedral after the fire that created a lot of damage five years ago, Well what did we see? We saw him greeted with red carpet. We saw world leaders standing up to shake his hand. And I don't know about you, but I thought to myself, you know, America is back. This is the respect that America should demand, that an American president should demand. So we know that we've seen an unraveling of that power on the world stage under Joe Biden. Obviously, there's a lot of chaos around the world, particularly in the Middle East and Europe right now. So how difficult will it be for President Trump to reassert America's authority in the world.

Who are our biggest threats?

Who are our biggest threats?

What will be his biggest challenges from a foreign policy perspective. We'll talk to someone who has been there with Donald Trump, who worked for his first administration.

What will be his biggest challenges from a foreign policy perspective. We'll talk to someone who has been there with Donald Trump, who worked for his first administration.

His name is Elbridge Colby.

His name is Elbridge Colby.

He was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Strategy and Forced Development. He also played a key role in the twenty eighteen National Defense Strategy. He's also the author of Strategy of Denial, American Defense and an Age of Great Power Conflict. So he is the perfect person to have this conversation with. So we'll talk about what's happened over the past four years and what to expect over these next four Stay tuned for Bridge Colby. Well, Elberte Colby, it's great to have you on the show the first time. Obviously, there's a lot of foreign policy issues to dig into, so I'm looking forward to having you on and hearing what you have to say.

He was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Strategy and Forced Development. He also played a key role in the twenty eighteen National Defense Strategy. He's also the author of Strategy of Denial, American Defense and an Age of Great Power Conflict. So he is the perfect person to have this conversation with. So we'll talk about what's happened over the past four years and what to expect over these next four Stay tuned for Bridge Colby. Well, Elberte Colby, it's great to have you on the show the first time. Obviously, there's a lot of foreign policy issues to dig into, so I'm looking forward to having you on and hearing what you have to say.

Great too with you, Lisa, really a pleasure.

Great too with you, Lisa, really a pleasure.

Sorr. I bet you're a happy man because you worked as well. You worked for President Trump as a Deputy Assistant Sectary of Defense for Strategy and Forced Development. I imagine watching these past four years as someone who worked for the previous administration, when you know the world is stable, pretty stable under Donald Trump, and then just saying all of that to curiate over the past four years, I imagine that this has been frustrating to witness it's been.

Sorr. I bet you're a happy man because you worked as well. You worked for President Trump as a Deputy Assistant Sectary of Defense for Strategy and Forced Development. I imagine watching these past four years as someone who worked for the previous administration, when you know the world is stable, pretty stable under Donald Trump, and then just saying all of that to curiate over the past four years, I imagine that this has been frustrating to witness it's been.

It's been I would say frustrating. Is it a minimum?

It's been I would say frustrating. Is it a minimum?

I mean, as just as an American I mean, I think it's been honestly, just objectively, it's been disastrous. I mean the way I think you put in, I think President Trump rightly put it on the campaign trails. You know, compare the four years to President Biden's four years. But if you had said, if we were having this conversation like four years ago, and I had told you, Lisa, Oh, at the end of Biden's term, You're going to have the largest war in Europe in seventy five years. That's not going well. Where We're you know, supporting launching strikes deep into Russia. The Chinese are launching the largest military exercise around Taiwan since nineteen ninety six, large attack on the Jewish people since the Holocaust. You know, the Houties are suspending red sea traffic, martial law in South Korea, et cetera.

I mean, as just as an American I mean, I think it's been honestly, just objectively, it's been disastrous. I mean the way I think you put in, I think President Trump rightly put it on the campaign trails. You know, compare the four years to President Biden's four years. But if you had said, if we were having this conversation like four years ago, and I had told you, Lisa, Oh, at the end of Biden's term, You're going to have the largest war in Europe in seventy five years. That's not going well. Where We're you know, supporting launching strikes deep into Russia. The Chinese are launching the largest military exercise around Taiwan since nineteen ninety six, large attack on the Jewish people since the Holocaust. You know, the Houties are suspending red sea traffic, martial law in South Korea, et cetera.

I could go on.

I could go on.

You would have said, that's ridiculous, like that you're being too much of a partisan.

You would have said, that's ridiculous, like that you're being too much of a partisan.

Yep. Yeah, that's the world in which we find ourselves.

Yep. Yeah, that's the world in which we find ourselves.

And I think, you know, we need President Trump's leadership and we need the ideas that he's bringing. Like he's he's obviously got commands respect as he showed with things like, you know, going to Notre Dame with MacColl the way President macwall.

And I think, you know, we need President Trump's leadership and we need the ideas that he's bringing. Like he's he's obviously got commands respect as he showed with things like, you know, going to Notre Dame with MacColl the way President macwall.

Was treating him.

Was treating him.

But also he ran on a specific set of ideas of putting Americans first in a very practical and pragmatic way. And I think the peace through strength monikers. Sometimes it gets lost, particularly the peace side, but there's two sides of that coin. As I understand what President Trump's talking about in a kind of common sense way, which is, you need to be strong, but you also need to be looking for peace if possible, and that involves some flexibility. The world is a tough place. It's an adaptive place. You've got to be realistic about what you can achieve. And I think you can see that, for instance, in his views on the situation in Syria, which is obviously we sympathize with the Syrian people, but we can't be the world's policeman. And yet we also have to be very very strong. And Biden has totally frittered away, I mean by Jake Sullivan admitted just the other day in this early December that we would run out of key munitions in a war with China in like a week. So I think we're in an exceptionally dangerous situation. I think President Trump's right to compare it to potentially the verge of World War three.

But also he ran on a specific set of ideas of putting Americans first in a very practical and pragmatic way. And I think the peace through strength monikers. Sometimes it gets lost, particularly the peace side, but there's two sides of that coin. As I understand what President Trump's talking about in a kind of common sense way, which is, you need to be strong, but you also need to be looking for peace if possible, and that involves some flexibility. The world is a tough place. It's an adaptive place. You've got to be realistic about what you can achieve. And I think you can see that, for instance, in his views on the situation in Syria, which is obviously we sympathize with the Syrian people, but we can't be the world's policeman. And yet we also have to be very very strong. And Biden has totally frittered away, I mean by Jake Sullivan admitted just the other day in this early December that we would run out of key munitions in a war with China in like a week. So I think we're in an exceptionally dangerous situation. I think President Trump's right to compare it to potentially the verge of World War three.

I mean, it's not a big undertaking for the incoming President Trump to try to reassert ourselves on the world stage. And then also, I didn't realize it was only a week that we'd be able to be in a war against China. I mean, I know we've depleted our military arsenal with everything we've given to Ukraine. So I guess dig into that a little bit like how unprepared are we right now? And I guess what can Donald Trump do to fix that?

I mean, it's not a big undertaking for the incoming President Trump to try to reassert ourselves on the world stage. And then also, I didn't realize it was only a week that we'd be able to be in a war against China. I mean, I know we've depleted our military arsenal with everything we've given to Ukraine. So I guess dig into that a little bit like how unprepared are we right now? And I guess what can Donald Trump do to fix that?

Yeah, I think we're in really dangerous shape.

Yeah, I think we're in really dangerous shape.

So if you look, for instance, at the report of the National Defense Strategy Commission, which was a congressional commission chartered and came out with a report earlier this year, it said, Yeah, the United States is in really, really grim shape. Now I disagree with some of their policy recommendations to deal with that situation, but I think we can all agree that we're in really, really tough shape. We've used up a lot of munitions. The Defense Industrial base, you know that basically the factory what used to be called the arsenal democracy that provides our servicemen and women with the weapons they fight with, and our allies as well. That's a shadow of its former self. And at the same time, you know, the thing that the critique I've been leveling against Biden for for a long time is it's kind of it's all hat and no cattle. Biden talks like JFK, but he spends like Bill Clinton. Right, He's saying, Oh, we're going to defend democracy. So there's these maximalist goals and saying we're going to be you know, leading in Europe, been in the Middle East, and we're going to you know, he says we'll defend Taiwan and on Korea, and you know, the list goes on, and then defense spending is basically not increasing above the rate of inflation. The defense industrial bases in bad shape. So there's a huge say do gap, There's a huge gap. You know, his strategy walks say between ends, ways and means. So I think he's leaving president and you know, on the way out, they're like dumping the remaining weapons in our inventory to the Ukrainians, you know, whose cause I sympathize with. But at the end of the day. They're not winning the war the Russians. Unfortunately, Russia is a very powerful country. It's been able to restore its industrial base. That's a simple fact. At the same time, you know, with things like the Huti's, you know, using a lot of munitions. So I think he's leaving President Trump with a really, really tough situation. And something I really think it's important to stress, Lisa is that people need to understand how parloss, how difficult the situation is, not only in the fact that we face you know, Medvedev, the former president of Russia, said Sino Russian relations, relations between Beijing and Moscow are closer than they've ever been, even than between Mao and Style and or Mao and Khrushchev, So really really close relations that Biden is leaving that President Trump tried to drive a wedge there, so really bad situation. Iran supporting Russia, Russia supporting North Korea and China, et cetera, et cetera, and the defense industrial base in very bad shape. So I think that's really important in the way that say, you know, when Ronald Reagan came into office in nineteen eighty, people understood the military was in tough shape after Carter, the economy was in tough shape, and you got to judge accordingly. I think what President Trump and I think Vice President elect Vance have emphasized a lot, and I think this is right, is you know, a combination over time. I think this reindustrialization idea that they have been talking about that was really highlighted in the President Trump's GOP platform is really important long term. We need to bring back jobs and industrial capacity in our country for its own reason, because we need to have good jobs and all that kind of thing.

So if you look, for instance, at the report of the National Defense Strategy Commission, which was a congressional commission chartered and came out with a report earlier this year, it said, Yeah, the United States is in really, really grim shape. Now I disagree with some of their policy recommendations to deal with that situation, but I think we can all agree that we're in really, really tough shape. We've used up a lot of munitions. The Defense Industrial base, you know that basically the factory what used to be called the arsenal democracy that provides our servicemen and women with the weapons they fight with, and our allies as well. That's a shadow of its former self. And at the same time, you know, the thing that the critique I've been leveling against Biden for for a long time is it's kind of it's all hat and no cattle. Biden talks like JFK, but he spends like Bill Clinton. Right, He's saying, Oh, we're going to defend democracy. So there's these maximalist goals and saying we're going to be you know, leading in Europe, been in the Middle East, and we're going to you know, he says we'll defend Taiwan and on Korea, and you know, the list goes on, and then defense spending is basically not increasing above the rate of inflation. The defense industrial bases in bad shape. So there's a huge say do gap, There's a huge gap. You know, his strategy walks say between ends, ways and means. So I think he's leaving president and you know, on the way out, they're like dumping the remaining weapons in our inventory to the Ukrainians, you know, whose cause I sympathize with. But at the end of the day. They're not winning the war the Russians. Unfortunately, Russia is a very powerful country. It's been able to restore its industrial base. That's a simple fact. At the same time, you know, with things like the Huti's, you know, using a lot of munitions. So I think he's leaving President Trump with a really, really tough situation. And something I really think it's important to stress, Lisa is that people need to understand how parloss, how difficult the situation is, not only in the fact that we face you know, Medvedev, the former president of Russia, said Sino Russian relations, relations between Beijing and Moscow are closer than they've ever been, even than between Mao and Style and or Mao and Khrushchev, So really really close relations that Biden is leaving that President Trump tried to drive a wedge there, so really bad situation. Iran supporting Russia, Russia supporting North Korea and China, et cetera, et cetera, and the defense industrial base in very bad shape. So I think that's really important in the way that say, you know, when Ronald Reagan came into office in nineteen eighty, people understood the military was in tough shape after Carter, the economy was in tough shape, and you got to judge accordingly. I think what President Trump and I think Vice President elect Vance have emphasized a lot, and I think this is right, is you know, a combination over time. I think this reindustrialization idea that they have been talking about that was really highlighted in the President Trump's GOP platform is really important long term. We need to bring back jobs and industrial capacity in our country for its own reason, because we need to have good jobs and all that kind of thing.

That's really reason enough.

That's really reason enough.

But even more, it's critical to our security because we need our forces to be able to use missiles without having to worry about running out and provide our allies Israel, Poland, South Korea, Japan, et cetera, Taiwan, we need to be able to provide them with weapons as well. That unfortunately is going to take a while. So I think and Sentendor Vance has been really articulate on this point. You know, we need to be kind of husbanding and judicious with our military power over the next coming years, because, as Biden's own administration has said, China's preparing for war with the United States. By twenty twenty seven, and Biden sector the Air Force said just a month or so ago that he believes that the Chinese military will say they are ready, and they're exercising that capacity even as we speak in early kind of mid December.

But even more, it's critical to our security because we need our forces to be able to use missiles without having to worry about running out and provide our allies Israel, Poland, South Korea, Japan, et cetera, Taiwan, we need to be able to provide them with weapons as well. That unfortunately is going to take a while. So I think and Sentendor Vance has been really articulate on this point. You know, we need to be kind of husbanding and judicious with our military power over the next coming years, because, as Biden's own administration has said, China's preparing for war with the United States. By twenty twenty seven, and Biden sector the Air Force said just a month or so ago that he believes that the Chinese military will say they are ready, and they're exercising that capacity even as we speak in early kind of mid December.

So I think that's really important.

So I think that's really important.

And then I think it's that rebuilding the strength, the industrial strength, you know, getting what Pete Hegseth, who's President Electrump's great nominee to be Secretary of Defense, hopefully well on its way to confirmation.

And then I think it's that rebuilding the strength, the industrial strength, you know, getting what Pete Hegseth, who's President Electrump's great nominee to be Secretary of Defense, hopefully well on its way to confirmation.

Knock on wood.

Knock on wood.

He's focused on readiness, on modernization, on restoring the lethality of the force.

He's focused on readiness, on modernization, on restoring the lethality of the force.

That's exactly right.

That's exactly right.

So you have that combination of getting the military back to basics, focusing it on the top challenges to America, which I would say, recruiting, recruiting exactly, restoring the morale within the military after all this kind of.

So you have that combination of getting the military back to basics, focusing it on the top challenges to America, which I would say, recruiting, recruiting exactly, restoring the morale within the military after all this kind of.

Woke stuff and losing sight of the mission.

Woke stuff and losing sight of the mission.

But it's basically restoring the military to focus defending the homeland, focusing on our top challenge the President Trump focused on us on in his first term China, getting our allies to do more restoring the industrial base.

But it's basically restoring the military to focus defending the homeland, focusing on our top challenge the President Trump focused on us on in his first term China, getting our allies to do more restoring the industrial base.

And then at the same time, Lisa being open.

And then at the same time, Lisa being open.

And this is where I think President Trump's taking a lot of flak, but he's exactly right, which is being open to dialogue with our enemies. And this, by the way, was an old school Republican view. If you'd ask Jim Baker or Richard Nixon or Dwight Eyes Noower, this was common sense. Not because we like Sijinping or Kim Jong un or Vladimir Putin or whatever, but because, hey, look, if we can avoid a war by a combination of strength and you know, some sort of dialogue, not a dialogue that Tony blinkoln we're going to solve all our problems. The world piece is going to be breaking out, but more like a hard nosed negotiation, which is what President Trump is so good at. I think that's the right thing, and that leads me optimistic that we can get through this exceptionally dangerous period that Biden is leaving without a major war.

And this is where I think President Trump's taking a lot of flak, but he's exactly right, which is being open to dialogue with our enemies. And this, by the way, was an old school Republican view. If you'd ask Jim Baker or Richard Nixon or Dwight Eyes Noower, this was common sense. Not because we like Sijinping or Kim Jong un or Vladimir Putin or whatever, but because, hey, look, if we can avoid a war by a combination of strength and you know, some sort of dialogue, not a dialogue that Tony blinkoln we're going to solve all our problems. The world piece is going to be breaking out, but more like a hard nosed negotiation, which is what President Trump is so good at. I think that's the right thing, and that leads me optimistic that we can get through this exceptionally dangerous period that Biden is leaving without a major war.

So part of me feels like the reason why President Trump was so good on foreign polans the policy is because he sees the world in like a clear eyed perspective, not like the world we want to be right like, he deals with reality. And I also think he's just really good at reading people and understanding human nature. And you know, to me, it seems like a lot of foreign policy is sort of like a playground mentality, a schoolyard mentality, where like you don't want to be the kid getting stuffed in locker, right, and like Trump walks around and like other kids on the playground are like, oh, don't mess with that dude, you know, like right right, And so it's you know, so I guess those sort of different elements. But from your perspective, and obviously having worked with him on a lot of this stuff, why do you think his administration and he was so good and so strong on foreign policy?

So part of me feels like the reason why President Trump was so good on foreign polans the policy is because he sees the world in like a clear eyed perspective, not like the world we want to be right like, he deals with reality. And I also think he's just really good at reading people and understanding human nature. And you know, to me, it seems like a lot of foreign policy is sort of like a playground mentality, a schoolyard mentality, where like you don't want to be the kid getting stuffed in locker, right, and like Trump walks around and like other kids on the playground are like, oh, don't mess with that dude, you know, like right right, And so it's you know, so I guess those sort of different elements. But from your perspective, and obviously having worked with him on a lot of this stuff, why do you think his administration and he was so good and so strong on foreign policy?

Well, I think it's what you say. It's a combination of two things.

Well, I think it's what you say. It's a combination of two things.

You know, I would say kind of like he calls it common sense, which I actually like that term because I often use the term, and I know Center Vance used the term realism. Realism has a little bit of like an academic tone. But I actually think what you're saying is right. It's like a common sense. People accuse President Trump of being transactional, and my response to that oftentimes is like, hey, great, you mean he's going to be looking out for American interests and kind of a business like hard nosed way. Sign me up for that, right, because what we've seen over the last like two decades or quarter century is we pursue these like grandiose ambitions like we're going to end tyranny in the world, or we're going to pacify the Middle East, we're going to turn Afghanistan IOWA, and that just doesn't work out, and a lot of people get hurt, a lot of money gets dumped down the drain, our military advantages go away, and at the end of the day, you know, the Taliban is running Afghanistan, right, So it's not it's not a success anyway. Let's have more realistic goals, recognizing as exactly.

You know, I would say kind of like he calls it common sense, which I actually like that term because I often use the term, and I know Center Vance used the term realism. Realism has a little bit of like an academic tone. But I actually think what you're saying is right. It's like a common sense. People accuse President Trump of being transactional, and my response to that oftentimes is like, hey, great, you mean he's going to be looking out for American interests and kind of a business like hard nosed way. Sign me up for that, right, because what we've seen over the last like two decades or quarter century is we pursue these like grandiose ambitions like we're going to end tyranny in the world, or we're going to pacify the Middle East, we're going to turn Afghanistan IOWA, and that just doesn't work out, and a lot of people get hurt, a lot of money gets dumped down the drain, our military advantages go away, and at the end of the day, you know, the Taliban is running Afghanistan, right, So it's not it's not a success anyway. Let's have more realistic goals, recognizing as exactly.

As you're saying, Lisa, that the world. You know.

As you're saying, Lisa, that the world. You know.

Actually, there's a funny quote from I think General Ulysses S.

Actually, there's a funny quote from I think General Ulysses S.

Grant.

Grant.

He said, you know, as I've gotten older, I actually think the schoolyard is it's pretty much how things are. You know, that's how people, that's how people are and like. And I think that's the other thing. So he brings the kind of common sense ideas, which is really important, but he himself is also a hard nosed negotiator, and I think you're exactly right where he understands people.

He said, you know, as I've gotten older, I actually think the schoolyard is it's pretty much how things are. You know, that's how people, that's how people are and like. And I think that's the other thing. So he brings the kind of common sense ideas, which is really important, but he himself is also a hard nosed negotiator, and I think you're exactly right where he understands people.

I actually think this is like the way he talks about.

I actually think this is like the way he talks about.

Poo and She jinping and Kim Jong un is very focused on this point, which is like a lot of the American political rhetoric just kind of like lam based these these you know, authoritarian leaders, and I don't think I don't think President Trump thinks they're like good guys.

Poo and She jinping and Kim Jong un is very focused on this point, which is like a lot of the American political rhetoric just kind of like lam based these these you know, authoritarian leaders, and I don't think I don't think President Trump thinks they're like good guys.

In fact, he said they're not.

In fact, he said they're not.

But you know, do you really want to like personally insult somebody that you're trying to avoid a war with? Of course you don't. You want them to be intimidated. You're that guy walking around the schoolyard. You're the biggest baddest guy. You know, Donald Trump and America are the biggest baddest guy on the schoolyard. But you're also not necessarily looking for a fight with five five different guys at the same time, as long as they respect you and your interests in your friends. And I think that's that kind of reading reading the people reading the situation.

But you know, do you really want to like personally insult somebody that you're trying to avoid a war with? Of course you don't. You want them to be intimidated. You're that guy walking around the schoolyard. You're the biggest baddest guy. You know, Donald Trump and America are the biggest baddest guy on the schoolyard. But you're also not necessarily looking for a fight with five five different guys at the same time, as long as they respect you and your interests in your friends. And I think that's that kind of reading reading the people reading the situation.

I think that's the point.

I think that's the point.

On for instance, Ukraine, is you know, people say, oh, Biden has done such a great job. I mean if you look at objectively, if you're a Ukrainian, Biden's been a complete disaster, which, by the way, apparently according to Ukrainian polling, they have more trust in Trump now than they do in Biden. I think Trump basically combined is it kind of like a strength and an unpredictability towards Russia. Will at the same time, like you know, he said they're not necessarily going to be or is indicated or people around him, they're not necessarily going to be part of NATO. We're going to understand the Russian position, not to say that it's good, but to say, like we're going to come to some kind of modus vivendi that in the sense I think is better for us. I think better for the Ukrainians and the Europeans as well. That I think combination is what we really need. Now we've run the experiment of this garbage about the rules space.

On for instance, Ukraine, is you know, people say, oh, Biden has done such a great job. I mean if you look at objectively, if you're a Ukrainian, Biden's been a complete disaster, which, by the way, apparently according to Ukrainian polling, they have more trust in Trump now than they do in Biden. I think Trump basically combined is it kind of like a strength and an unpredictability towards Russia. Will at the same time, like you know, he said they're not necessarily going to be or is indicated or people around him, they're not necessarily going to be part of NATO. We're going to understand the Russian position, not to say that it's good, but to say, like we're going to come to some kind of modus vivendi that in the sense I think is better for us. I think better for the Ukrainians and the Europeans as well. That I think combination is what we really need. Now we've run the experiment of this garbage about the rules space.

International order and Tony Blinken going.

International order and Tony Blinken going.

Around the world wagging fingers at people, and not only has it failed, it's utterly backfired and we can't have changed quickly.

Around the world wagging fingers at people, and not only has it failed, it's utterly backfired and we can't have changed quickly.

Enough well, and it's also you know, I think that they know when he makes threats, it's real right, like with taking out casta solemony and moving the embassy, and like the chocolate cake story with President Ryus.

Enough well, and it's also you know, I think that they know when he makes threats, it's real right, like with taking out casta solemony and moving the embassy, and like the chocolate cake story with President Ryus.

He's like, by the way, we've got fifty.

He's like, by the way, we've got fifty.

Nine or like what was the or the story with the Taliban leader where he sat down and like basically like I know where you live, buddy. You know, it's like like that stuff doesn't work unless these people understand that, like the follow through is real. Like that's why like Biden's threats didn't work or Obama's red lined didn't work because it's just words. Right with Trump, they're like, oh man, this guy's actually going to get rid of me, you know, yeah and.

Nine or like what was the or the story with the Taliban leader where he sat down and like basically like I know where you live, buddy. You know, it's like like that stuff doesn't work unless these people understand that, like the follow through is real. Like that's why like Biden's threats didn't work or Obama's red lined didn't work because it's just words. Right with Trump, they're like, oh man, this guy's actually going to get rid of me, you know, yeah and.

Real it's like it scared. Yeah, it's kind of it's you don't you know. I mean it's classic negotiating. It's like poker or something like that. You know, some of the best presidents have been great poker players. It's like, I don't know what this guy's capable of, Like if I if I cross him in the wrong way, like but then you know, that's that's door B door A is like making a deal with him, that's that's may not be the one that I want. If I'm Russia or Iran or you know, North Korea or China or whatever. But it's better than the alternative of like trying to cross this guy and like he may go because Biden is very calculable. Right before the Ukraine thing, he said, well, if it's a minor incursion, we'll do this or that, and so people can you know, you can kind of reckon. This guy's not going to really go after you. So I think that's part of what I see as President Trump's sort of very successful negotiating strategy for the American people, and I think that'll have better results for us and for our allies.

Real it's like it scared. Yeah, it's kind of it's you don't you know. I mean it's classic negotiating. It's like poker or something like that. You know, some of the best presidents have been great poker players. It's like, I don't know what this guy's capable of, Like if I if I cross him in the wrong way, like but then you know, that's that's door B door A is like making a deal with him, that's that's may not be the one that I want. If I'm Russia or Iran or you know, North Korea or China or whatever. But it's better than the alternative of like trying to cross this guy and like he may go because Biden is very calculable. Right before the Ukraine thing, he said, well, if it's a minor incursion, we'll do this or that, and so people can you know, you can kind of reckon. This guy's not going to really go after you. So I think that's part of what I see as President Trump's sort of very successful negotiating strategy for the American people, and I think that'll have better results for us and for our allies.

You know, you'd.

You know, you'd.

Briefly mentioned at the beginning President Trump attending the reopening of Paris' is the Notre Drum Cathedral opening after the fire.

Briefly mentioned at the beginning President Trump attending the reopening of Paris' is the Notre Drum Cathedral opening after the fire.

I think it was like five years.

I think it was like five years.

Ago when we saw he was greeted with a red carpet. We saw the video where you know, all these heads of state standing up to shake his hand. It felt like a re emergence of America's strengths. Am I reading too much into that? Or I guess, you know, how did you see that? And then also like looking at the tea leaves and the way other countries have reacted to Trump's when you know, how are they sort of preparing for an incoming President Trump.

Ago when we saw he was greeted with a red carpet. We saw the video where you know, all these heads of state standing up to shake his hand. It felt like a re emergence of America's strengths. Am I reading too much into that? Or I guess, you know, how did you see that? And then also like looking at the tea leaves and the way other countries have reacted to Trump's when you know, how are they sort of preparing for an incoming President Trump.

Well, I think it does as you say. I think a couple things.

Well, I think it does as you say. I think a couple things.

One thing that I want to stress is that, you know, the sort of CNN view of the world is that every foreigner and every foreign garment and thinks the reelection of Donald Trump is a disaster. And if you look out of the world, you can see that that's demonstrably untrue. For instance, the largest country in the world, Prime Minister Mody and his External Affairs Minister Josh Shunker, they're very keen to In fact, you know, They'm not going to say this officially, but I think it's pretty clear that a new Deli would prefer to work with Trump then with Biden, who was constantly wagging the fender and in their perception, intervening in their domestic affairs and has a different view has Actually Josh Shunker just today said, actually to Christiana, I'm on for CNN that judge, they support a negotiated solution to the war in Ukraine, so very close to what President Trump has been saying. You know, countries like Israel Prime Minister Netan, you know how clearly would rather work with President Trump. I think places like Poland in a lot of ways, et cetera, et cetera. You know, Philippines, Australia. There are a lot of countries that are perfectly happy, in fact much prefer working with President Trump.

One thing that I want to stress is that, you know, the sort of CNN view of the world is that every foreigner and every foreign garment and thinks the reelection of Donald Trump is a disaster. And if you look out of the world, you can see that that's demonstrably untrue. For instance, the largest country in the world, Prime Minister Mody and his External Affairs Minister Josh Shunker, they're very keen to In fact, you know, They'm not going to say this officially, but I think it's pretty clear that a new Deli would prefer to work with Trump then with Biden, who was constantly wagging the fender and in their perception, intervening in their domestic affairs and has a different view has Actually Josh Shunker just today said, actually to Christiana, I'm on for CNN that judge, they support a negotiated solution to the war in Ukraine, so very close to what President Trump has been saying. You know, countries like Israel Prime Minister Netan, you know how clearly would rather work with President Trump. I think places like Poland in a lot of ways, et cetera, et cetera. You know, Philippines, Australia. There are a lot of countries that are perfectly happy, in fact much prefer working with President Trump.

Moreover, and this is the part.

Moreover, and this is the part.

Is all those countries that you know were and these leaders who were lamd basing President Trump are not now either gone, like Angela Merkel and Oloff Schultz in Germany are on their way out, Prime Minister Kashida of Japan, who is very close to Biden, even the President Union of South Korea, who's on the right but was very close to Biden, et cetera. They're gone, or they're beating a path to tomor a lago like Justin Trudeau, which has you know, got to be most satisfying, you know, as an American is just a a conservative. I mean just I sympathize so much with our conservative Canadian brethren having to deal with this guy. But it's like, oh, I guess all that moralistic, high flute rhetoric that you were saying all those years, I see what you really think. It's a little bit like Joe Scarborough, Mika Razinski going to mar A Lago. It's like, aha, I see what you're really about. Same thing with Justin Trudeau. And I think it's amazing that President Trump is capitalizing on this for the American people. And I think what you see me also, and this is something I think is really important to stress is Biden. It was like this sort of self flagellating, apologetic.

Is all those countries that you know were and these leaders who were lamd basing President Trump are not now either gone, like Angela Merkel and Oloff Schultz in Germany are on their way out, Prime Minister Kashida of Japan, who is very close to Biden, even the President Union of South Korea, who's on the right but was very close to Biden, et cetera. They're gone, or they're beating a path to tomor a lago like Justin Trudeau, which has you know, got to be most satisfying, you know, as an American is just a a conservative. I mean just I sympathize so much with our conservative Canadian brethren having to deal with this guy. But it's like, oh, I guess all that moralistic, high flute rhetoric that you were saying all those years, I see what you really think. It's a little bit like Joe Scarborough, Mika Razinski going to mar A Lago. It's like, aha, I see what you're really about. Same thing with Justin Trudeau. And I think it's amazing that President Trump is capitalizing on this for the American people. And I think what you see me also, and this is something I think is really important to stress is Biden. It was like this sort of self flagellating, apologetic.

Form of America.

Form of America.

You know, Biden is saying America's back, meaning oh that terrible Donald Trump and the movement of American you know people and populism saying that they want a different approach.

You know, Biden is saying America's back, meaning oh that terrible Donald Trump and the movement of American you know people and populism saying that they want a different approach.

I'm sorry about that. Now.

I'm sorry about that. Now.

It's the old America of George W. Bush and Bill Clinton and Barack Obama that's back. And it's like no, actually, Donald Trump got re elected and he's getting Macon to pay homage to him, you know. So it's like this unapologetic form of Americans saying, we're going to put Americans first, We're going to have a common sense agenda. We're going to elect somebody who we really think is going to fearlessly, i mean literally fearlessly represent us and all these other countries, including the ones that were going after him, and US for years, they're also going to get in line.

It's the old America of George W. Bush and Bill Clinton and Barack Obama that's back. And it's like no, actually, Donald Trump got re elected and he's getting Macon to pay homage to him, you know. So it's like this unapologetic form of Americans saying, we're going to put Americans first, We're going to have a common sense agenda. We're going to elect somebody who we really think is going to fearlessly, i mean literally fearlessly represent us and all these other countries, including the ones that were going after him, and US for years, they're also going to get in line.

That I think is the real triumph.

That I think is the real triumph.

What is pretty wild when you think about it, because you know, America first, it's like common sense. It's something you would you would think a country would want to do. Yet he's the first person and the need for it in quite some time.

What is pretty wild when you think about it, because you know, America first, it's like common sense. It's something you would you would think a country would want to do. Yet he's the first person and the need for it in quite some time.

So it's like, I know, it's like it's like commons.

So it's like, I know, it's like it's like commons.

So it's like really, it's really it's like commendable.

So it's like really, it's really it's like commendable.

And I mean, I think the other thing is, you know, it's a mystery because it's like, wait a minute, how hasn't somebody gone on this foreign policy before? And the reality and this is why President Trump's again very brave, you know, challenge the establishment is so important is because the establishment in the United States has benefited from the sort of neo conservative or whatever you want to call it foreign policy and economic approach, the approach of you know, dropping all of our you know, de industrializing, of these endless wars, of spending more on defense than all of our allies. It doesn't work for regular Americans, but it works for people in the blob and you know who get to go to Europe and you know, people say how wise they are, but President Trump is actually this is democracy, Like the President Trump is represent the regular people who were saying, including like Pete hagg Seth.

And I mean, I think the other thing is, you know, it's a mystery because it's like, wait a minute, how hasn't somebody gone on this foreign policy before? And the reality and this is why President Trump's again very brave, you know, challenge the establishment is so important is because the establishment in the United States has benefited from the sort of neo conservative or whatever you want to call it foreign policy and economic approach, the approach of you know, dropping all of our you know, de industrializing, of these endless wars, of spending more on defense than all of our allies. It doesn't work for regular Americans, but it works for people in the blob and you know who get to go to Europe and you know, people say how wise they are, but President Trump is actually this is democracy, Like the President Trump is represent the regular people who were saying, including like Pete hagg Seth.

Makes this point very eloquently, I think.

Makes this point very eloquently, I think.

Which is like all the people who a lot of the people who fought and got wounded and died or had friends who died, et cetera. They're like, wait a minute, this doesn't benefit us.

Which is like all the people who a lot of the people who fought and got wounded and died or had friends who died, et cetera. They're like, wait a minute, this doesn't benefit us.

What's it? How does this make sense?

What's it? How does this make sense?

And that's who that is such an important and necessary corrective to this, you know, this sort of oh, we're going to end evil in the world, We're going to solve all the world's problems. That's not in American's interest, so we shouldn't do it.

And that's who that is such an important and necessary corrective to this, you know, this sort of oh, we're going to end evil in the world, We're going to solve all the world's problems. That's not in American's interest, so we shouldn't do it.

I love Pete hag Seth. I've coosed with him many times, and I remember one time I made a mistake and I was like so embarrassed, and he could not have been nicer about just kind of like getting my head back in the game.

I love Pete hag Seth. I've coosed with him many times, and I remember one time I made a mistake and I was like so embarrassed, and he could not have been nicer about just kind of like getting my head back in the game.

He's a very good leader. I agree that he made to have Yeah, I.

He's a very good leader. I agree that he made to have Yeah, I.

Don't know him super well, but like one of the things I've been really struck by, and it's interesting to hear you say that as well. But I've seen like Will Kine and Joey Jones and and uh.

Don't know him super well, but like one of the things I've been really struck by, and it's interesting to hear you say that as well. But I've seen like Will Kine and Joey Jones and and uh.

I've been reading Okay, well I'll look forward.

I've been reading Okay, well I'll look forward.

But like they're all like coming coming coming behind him hard, you know, not they know do this like and the guys just serve with them in I Rock in Afghanistan. It's like and you can see it on TV. But that I think is it speaks a lot about him as a colleague and a leader and stuff like that he's you know people really that certainly made an impression on me very favorable.

But like they're all like coming coming coming behind him hard, you know, not they know do this like and the guys just serve with them in I Rock in Afghanistan. It's like and you can see it on TV. But that I think is it speaks a lot about him as a colleague and a leader and stuff like that he's you know people really that certainly made an impression on me very favorable.

Well, I think with.

Well, I think with.

TV it's like one of those things that, especially when you're on a panel, you're coasting with other people, he wants the show to do well, and he wants everyone to do well, and that doesn't always happen. And so I think that takes like a level of humility and where you know you're in it for something bigger than yourself. And so that's something I've kind of always noticed about him. You know, before you're kind of listening all the things.

TV it's like one of those things that, especially when you're on a panel, you're coasting with other people, he wants the show to do well, and he wants everyone to do well, and that doesn't always happen. And so I think that takes like a level of humility and where you know you're in it for something bigger than yourself. And so that's something I've kind of always noticed about him. You know, before you're kind of listening all the things.

That went wrong under the Bide administration, I was like, well.

That went wrong under the Bide administration, I was like, well.

When you put it that way, it.

When you put it that way, it.

Is really really bad.

Is really really bad.

But it's really bad.

But it's really bad.

I know, I'm like, oh God, alright, forgot about that, I thought, yeah, we've.

I know, I'm like, oh God, alright, forgot about that, I thought, yeah, we've.

Got more bridge. But first, the Christmas in Hanukah.

Got more bridge. But first, the Christmas in Hanukah.

Season is a time of hope and peace for many of us, but for those in Israel facing the ongoing war, it is a time of fear and uncertainty. The hardships are felt by everyone, with many people struggling to afford food and basic necessities during this holiday season. Many living through the war in the Holy Land are grieving the loss of loved ones while also enduring isolation and hunger. We must not let them feel forgotten by the rest of the world. That's why I'm partnering with the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews. Your special holiday gift to the Fellowship helps provide a Hanuka food box filled with basic necessities and essentials to bring nourishment, warmth, and comfort to someone in need. Give the gift of hope and answer prayers this holiday season. Go to support IFCJ dot org to donate now that support IFCJ dot org or call to give it eight eight, eight or eight IFCJ that's eight eight eight or eight eight or three two five. Now We've got this shifting situation in Syria and Israel, and response is carried out I think something like nearly five hundred strikes and forty eight hours hitting Syrian military targets to try to get ahead of things. You know, Israel's preparing for chaos, you know, should we and what will that chaos look like? And how does that sort of impact the Middle East and the rest of the world.

Season is a time of hope and peace for many of us, but for those in Israel facing the ongoing war, it is a time of fear and uncertainty. The hardships are felt by everyone, with many people struggling to afford food and basic necessities during this holiday season. Many living through the war in the Holy Land are grieving the loss of loved ones while also enduring isolation and hunger. We must not let them feel forgotten by the rest of the world. That's why I'm partnering with the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews. Your special holiday gift to the Fellowship helps provide a Hanuka food box filled with basic necessities and essentials to bring nourishment, warmth, and comfort to someone in need. Give the gift of hope and answer prayers this holiday season. Go to support IFCJ dot org to donate now that support IFCJ dot org or call to give it eight eight, eight or eight IFCJ that's eight eight eight or eight eight or three two five. Now We've got this shifting situation in Syria and Israel, and response is carried out I think something like nearly five hundred strikes and forty eight hours hitting Syrian military targets to try to get ahead of things. You know, Israel's preparing for chaos, you know, should we and what will that chaos look like? And how does that sort of impact the Middle East and the rest of the world.

Yeah, well, look, I mean, Siria is a really tough problem. I mean, I very much agree with President Trump's position on this, which is, look, it's just a lot going on. It's a tragedy, but this is not fundamentally our problem to solve. And we have to understand that there are things that we just you know, we shouldn't get directly involved in, and that doesn't mean doing nothing. I think you mentioned Israel, and I think you know, Israel is right there. It's got very deep interest in Syria, and of course we have very deep interest in the security of our great ally Israel. But the thing about Israel, this is like a model. I mentioned India is another one. I think Poland, South Korea or others. These are countries that have serious militaries, are willing to do things on their own, you know, maybe they get some help from US intelligence. Maybe there's weapons capabilities that we can provide in various instances, but they're kind of taking matters into their own hands. And I think that what the Israelis are doing makes a ton of sense because they don't know. I mean, this HTS group, I mean, there's a debate. I mean, it's it's it's a terrorist group. It's a designated US terrorist group that's taken over the country. Basically, like maybe they've moderated, but you know, I wouldn't bet the farm on it, so we better keep a clear eye. But I think what we've hopefully learned from the last twenty five years in the Middle East is this is going to be a problem. This is going to be a problem to be managed. And the one that we have to think of in terms of like realistic goals and more are our local allies taking taking the lead as the Israelis do. But you know, there's also you know, countries like Jordan, countries like the UAE, countries like.

Yeah, well, look, I mean, Siria is a really tough problem. I mean, I very much agree with President Trump's position on this, which is, look, it's just a lot going on. It's a tragedy, but this is not fundamentally our problem to solve. And we have to understand that there are things that we just you know, we shouldn't get directly involved in, and that doesn't mean doing nothing. I think you mentioned Israel, and I think you know, Israel is right there. It's got very deep interest in Syria, and of course we have very deep interest in the security of our great ally Israel. But the thing about Israel, this is like a model. I mentioned India is another one. I think Poland, South Korea or others. These are countries that have serious militaries, are willing to do things on their own, you know, maybe they get some help from US intelligence. Maybe there's weapons capabilities that we can provide in various instances, but they're kind of taking matters into their own hands. And I think that what the Israelis are doing makes a ton of sense because they don't know. I mean, this HTS group, I mean, there's a debate. I mean, it's it's it's a terrorist group. It's a designated US terrorist group that's taken over the country. Basically, like maybe they've moderated, but you know, I wouldn't bet the farm on it, so we better keep a clear eye. But I think what we've hopefully learned from the last twenty five years in the Middle East is this is going to be a problem. This is going to be a problem to be managed. And the one that we have to think of in terms of like realistic goals and more are our local allies taking taking the lead as the Israelis do. But you know, there's also you know, countries like Jordan, countries like the UAE, countries like.

Saudi you know, some amost that Egypt.

Saudi you know, some amost that Egypt.

So I think that's the right that's the right model, and I know that that's sort of you know, that's one that's that's had a lot of uh, you know division. President Trump tried to pull those troops out in his in his first term, and I support that. I mean, I don't I don't, you know, I mean, he has to make a decision again based on the current circumstances.

So I think that's the right that's the right model, and I know that that's sort of you know, that's one that's that's had a lot of uh, you know division. President Trump tried to pull those troops out in his in his first term, and I support that. I mean, I don't I don't, you know, I mean, he has to make a decision again based on the current circumstances.

So I don't want to get ahead of him on that. You know, things have changed.

So I don't want to get ahead of him on that. You know, things have changed.

Over the last five years. But the overall approach that not only I think is the right strategic approach, but is the one that he and sender Vance ran on, which is like, we're going to not get into dumb wars now. That doesn't mean or wars as much as we can avoid them. That doesn't mean doing nothing. What I thought again to go back to that platform, the language in the platform is very similar actually to the Reagan administration's doctrine. People forget this, but what was called the Weinberger doctrin or the Powell doctrine, which is, you know, if we're going to go in, we're gonna have a good reason, we're gonna have clear goals, we're gonna have overwhelming force, We're gonna you know, et cetera, et cetera. Right, you can't always meet all of those objectives, but that mindset is I think the right one, especially after the last twenty five years of pretty you know, unfortunately relatively little to show.

Over the last five years. But the overall approach that not only I think is the right strategic approach, but is the one that he and sender Vance ran on, which is like, we're going to not get into dumb wars now. That doesn't mean or wars as much as we can avoid them. That doesn't mean doing nothing. What I thought again to go back to that platform, the language in the platform is very similar actually to the Reagan administration's doctrine. People forget this, but what was called the Weinberger doctrin or the Powell doctrine, which is, you know, if we're going to go in, we're gonna have a good reason, we're gonna have clear goals, we're gonna have overwhelming force, We're gonna you know, et cetera, et cetera. Right, you can't always meet all of those objectives, but that mindset is I think the right one, especially after the last twenty five years of pretty you know, unfortunately relatively little to show.

For it and huge costs.

For it and huge costs.

I mean obviously first and foremost human, but also financial and in terms of the readiness of our military.

I mean obviously first and foremost human, but also financial and in terms of the readiness of our military.

I guess, you know, how does it change the shifting power dynamics if you're Iran or you're Russia or you know, Turkey has been hitting military supplies that are under a Kurdish country role in northern Syria. Like I guess sort of it seems like everyone's sort of circling, but you know, like it's like, how does that kind of reshape things?

I guess, you know, how does it change the shifting power dynamics if you're Iran or you're Russia or you know, Turkey has been hitting military supplies that are under a Kurdish country role in northern Syria. Like I guess sort of it seems like everyone's sort of circling, but you know, like it's like, how does that kind of reshape things?

Or you know, I think we'll see. I mean, I think one of the biggest things. And this is where again Israel deserves tremendous credit. I mean, the Biden administration's been trying to take credit for it, which is kind of surreal because they've been trying to hold the Israelis back on this the whole time. But the Israelis have done I mean, after the terrible uh attack on the seventh of October and the very difficult situation in Gaza which is still ongoing, but the Israelis have really done a number. I mean they've run the tables against Lebanese Hesbela and to a significant extent against Iran, and then with Russia you know a bit more, you know, basically focused on Ukraine. That really left uh, you know, the Asad government in Syria kind of a bit on its own, and so this is you know that that contributed the fall of the Asad government. Lebanese Hesbela was not in the position to do something about it. So I think what Israel has been able to do really is knock down what Iran calls the axis of resistance and put them in a much weaker position. Does that mean the Middle East is going to turn into Dubuque or you know, Gary Indiana. No, but it means that, you know, Israel's going to be in a much more secure situation.

Or you know, I think we'll see. I mean, I think one of the biggest things. And this is where again Israel deserves tremendous credit. I mean, the Biden administration's been trying to take credit for it, which is kind of surreal because they've been trying to hold the Israelis back on this the whole time. But the Israelis have done I mean, after the terrible uh attack on the seventh of October and the very difficult situation in Gaza which is still ongoing, but the Israelis have really done a number. I mean they've run the tables against Lebanese Hesbela and to a significant extent against Iran, and then with Russia you know a bit more, you know, basically focused on Ukraine. That really left uh, you know, the Asad government in Syria kind of a bit on its own, and so this is you know that that contributed the fall of the Asad government. Lebanese Hesbela was not in the position to do something about it. So I think what Israel has been able to do really is knock down what Iran calls the axis of resistance and put them in a much weaker position. Does that mean the Middle East is going to turn into Dubuque or you know, Gary Indiana. No, but it means that, you know, Israel's going to be in a much more secure situation.

Iran is weakened.

Iran is weakened.

It's proxy groups while still present, especially in places like Iraq and Yemen, like the UTI's, they're still present, but they're weaker. And that's going to help and bring along, hopefully the Arab countries that you know, building on the Abraham as a coord model from the first Trump term, you know, Saudi Emirates et cetera. To get some more momentum, to basically be able to put put Iran in a box.

It's proxy groups while still present, especially in places like Iraq and Yemen, like the UTI's, they're still present, but they're weaker. And that's going to help and bring along, hopefully the Arab countries that you know, building on the Abraham as a coord model from the first Trump term, you know, Saudi Emirates et cetera. To get some more momentum, to basically be able to put put Iran in a box.

Who would you.

Who would you.

Say is our biggest threat, the biggest threat to the United States.

Say is our biggest threat, the biggest threat to the United States.

I think China is absolutely the biggest external threat. I mean, it's just it's so strong. I mean, it's just in a totally different order of magnitude. Actually, the Israeli I think it was the Israeli Defense minister, he said the right thing he said October seventh, taught us that we've got to look at capabilities, not intentions, because you don't know about intentions and you don't know they can change. And that doesn't mean I'm not saying that that war with China is inevitable.

I think China is absolutely the biggest external threat. I mean, it's just it's so strong. I mean, it's just in a totally different order of magnitude. Actually, the Israeli I think it was the Israeli Defense minister, he said the right thing he said October seventh, taught us that we've got to look at capabilities, not intentions, because you don't know about intentions and you don't know they can change. And that doesn't mean I'm not saying that that war with China is inevitable.

Far from it.

Far from it.

I believe it's avoidable if we do that combination of peace through strength, flexibility with military power. But you know, China's got like I mean, it's ten times the size of Rush that it's probably thirty times the size economically ever run. It's got over two hundred times the shipbuilding capacity the United States. It's got a larger navy than the United States, And you know that is a really serious challenge.

I believe it's avoidable if we do that combination of peace through strength, flexibility with military power. But you know, China's got like I mean, it's ten times the size of Rush that it's probably thirty times the size economically ever run. It's got over two hundred times the shipbuilding capacity the United States. It's got a larger navy than the United States, And you know that is a really serious challenge.

Now.

Now.

I think the Chinese government is ambitious, a bit paranoid, very very dangerous. But they're not hitler, they're not looking, they're not hell bent on a war, I hope. So I think a policy along the lines of what President Trump has been talking about, which is exactly as you were saying, Lisa, don't mess with me.

I think the Chinese government is ambitious, a bit paranoid, very very dangerous. But they're not hitler, they're not looking, they're not hell bent on a war, I hope. So I think a policy along the lines of what President Trump has been talking about, which is exactly as you were saying, Lisa, don't mess with me.

I'm powerful. You don't know what I will do, but also.

I'm powerful. You don't know what I will do, but also.

Being willing to have a dialogue and engage in the way that President Trump is said. In fact, I think he said it the other day on NBC when he was asked about Taiwan. I think he gave the right ana, which is to say, you know, the traditional American position, which Biden violated, was like, I don't want to say exactly what I would do, but of course it's the job of the National security and Defense establishment to give a very strong shield to the president to act based upon. But then he said, I'm open to talking. I understand how important this is to Beijing. That's true, but also so it leaves open a channel, and I think that's the way, you know, if you want to talk about what the true legacy of Ronald Reagan is. I think that combination of strength and being willing to talk with your adversary.

Being willing to have a dialogue and engage in the way that President Trump is said. In fact, I think he said it the other day on NBC when he was asked about Taiwan. I think he gave the right ana, which is to say, you know, the traditional American position, which Biden violated, was like, I don't want to say exactly what I would do, but of course it's the job of the National security and Defense establishment to give a very strong shield to the president to act based upon. But then he said, I'm open to talking. I understand how important this is to Beijing. That's true, but also so it leaves open a channel, and I think that's the way, you know, if you want to talk about what the true legacy of Ronald Reagan is. I think that combination of strength and being willing to talk with your adversary.

That's actually the right model. You know.

That's actually the right model. You know.

We're talking earlier about the way Israel has fought this war against Iran and its proxies, and I mean, I feel like it should be studied, right, Like it's like that's how war should be fought. I mean, it's been pretty the way they've executed it has been even just look at the pagers and the Beebers.

We're talking earlier about the way Israel has fought this war against Iran and its proxies, and I mean, I feel like it should be studied, right, Like it's like that's how war should be fought. I mean, it's been pretty the way they've executed it has been even just look at the pagers and the Beebers.

I mean, it's pretty brilliant.

I mean, it's pretty brilliant.

It's extraordinary.

It's extraordinary.

I mean, I you know, I mean, they're going to have they've definitely got some soul searching on the October seventh thing. But to flip the part of the reason for October seventh, it was because they were so focused on Iran and Hesbel at least as I understand, and they really showed mastery on that situation, which again and not to minimize what happened on October seven, but the threat from Iran and Lebanese Hesbel is significantly was significantly greater and it remains than Hamas, So like it wasn't it made sense that situation. They face some multi front problem. But I think their intelligence penetration, the way they've been able to really degrade in a quite you know, sort of sophisticated way, for instance, some of their attacks on the Irani and blistic missile production and air defense systems that leaves Iran in a worse position and gives them a real incentive not to continue going up the escalatory ladder. I absolutely think it's a lot to a lot to be studied. It's kind of one of the things. You know, you get Lloyd Austin lecturing them all the time about how to conduct sort of operations in the Middle East, and one can't help but think that, like, why is Lloyd Austin lecturing them at this point?

I mean, I you know, I mean, they're going to have they've definitely got some soul searching on the October seventh thing. But to flip the part of the reason for October seventh, it was because they were so focused on Iran and Hesbel at least as I understand, and they really showed mastery on that situation, which again and not to minimize what happened on October seven, but the threat from Iran and Lebanese Hesbel is significantly was significantly greater and it remains than Hamas, So like it wasn't it made sense that situation. They face some multi front problem. But I think their intelligence penetration, the way they've been able to really degrade in a quite you know, sort of sophisticated way, for instance, some of their attacks on the Irani and blistic missile production and air defense systems that leaves Iran in a worse position and gives them a real incentive not to continue going up the escalatory ladder. I absolutely think it's a lot to a lot to be studied. It's kind of one of the things. You know, you get Lloyd Austin lecturing them all the time about how to conduct sort of operations in the Middle East, and one can't help but think that, like, why is Lloyd Austin lecturing them at this point?

You know, yeah, you know, I had mentioned, you know, who's your biggest threat, which you responded with China. Is that also going to be Trump's biggest forign policy challenge or what do you think the biggest foreign policy challenge will be for this administration?

You know, yeah, you know, I had mentioned, you know, who's your biggest threat, which you responded with China. Is that also going to be Trump's biggest forign policy challenge or what do you think the biggest foreign policy challenge will be for this administration?

I mean that's a I mean, he said, I think he's he said, and I agree with this that, like first and foremost, trying to bring the war in Ukraine to an end is clearly going to take up a lot of focus. I think there's there's reason to think that the the at least that kind of intense conflict in the Middle East hopefully might come to an end, you know, before or shortly after the inauguration, you know, I think I think China is for sure the biggest external challenge. I mean, the border and the precedent migration is a huge issue. That's sort of a different category of things obviously, but I don't want to minimize that at all. But I think it's China plus this you know group of you know, part of a coalition that's formed. As I mentioned Medvedev's comment about how close Russia and China, I think the worst danger that we could face going forward is a multiple theater conflict, you know, with China having such a dominant place, Russias dependent on China, Irans depend on China, North Korea's dependent on China. That I think, so it might not actually break out visa of each China, but I think the core focus and the priority for American defense and my view foreign policy has got to be kind of dealing with China and making sure that they understand that they don't have an incentive to use military force against our interests in Asia.

I mean that's a I mean, he said, I think he's he said, and I agree with this that, like first and foremost, trying to bring the war in Ukraine to an end is clearly going to take up a lot of focus. I think there's there's reason to think that the the at least that kind of intense conflict in the Middle East hopefully might come to an end, you know, before or shortly after the inauguration, you know, I think I think China is for sure the biggest external challenge. I mean, the border and the precedent migration is a huge issue. That's sort of a different category of things obviously, but I don't want to minimize that at all. But I think it's China plus this you know group of you know, part of a coalition that's formed. As I mentioned Medvedev's comment about how close Russia and China, I think the worst danger that we could face going forward is a multiple theater conflict, you know, with China having such a dominant place, Russias dependent on China, Irans depend on China, North Korea's dependent on China. That I think, so it might not actually break out visa of each China, but I think the core focus and the priority for American defense and my view foreign policy has got to be kind of dealing with China and making sure that they understand that they don't have an incentive to use military force against our interests in Asia.

And then you have like the Bricks Economic group as well, which is you know, another you know, aspect of foreign and economic problems that we're facing.

And then you have like the Bricks Economic group as well, which is you know, another you know, aspect of foreign and economic problems that we're facing.

Right.

Right.

Yeah, although you know, I mean the bricks thing. I mean, the Indians, for instance, are pretty closely aligned. I think they would they would become even more aligned under Trump administration.

Yeah, although you know, I mean the bricks thing. I mean, the Indians, for instance, are pretty closely aligned. I think they would they would become even more aligned under Trump administration.

Obviously the Chinese and the.

Obviously the Chinese and the.

Russians are more aligned. You know, Brazil and South Korea are kind of in a different category, but I think there's going to be. And that's another thing about President Trump and the way that he talks. There's this idea that Biden is much more popular all around the world. I would basically say that Biden and his message are very popular in Western and northern Europe and maybe in Japan. But like President Trump's message, which is more honest, more kind of like candidly self interested, in pragmatic, actually resonates much better in a lot of places in the world.

Russians are more aligned. You know, Brazil and South Korea are kind of in a different category, but I think there's going to be. And that's another thing about President Trump and the way that he talks. There's this idea that Biden is much more popular all around the world. I would basically say that Biden and his message are very popular in Western and northern Europe and maybe in Japan. But like President Trump's message, which is more honest, more kind of like candidly self interested, in pragmatic, actually resonates much better in a lot of places in the world.

I mentioned India, but.

I mentioned India, but.

Also other places in South and Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, where people respect strength, they respect a leader who's you know, willing to put his people's interests first and isn't isn't constantly trotting out these tired and sort of i'd say, hypocritical talking points about the rules based or national order. It's not like Tony Blincoln is turning people's minds around. In places like India or the Philippines or Vietnam or something, I actually think they would welcome. And a lot of those countries actually, again, you know, nationalism and putting your people's interests first to kind of has a bad odor in places like Germany maybe because their history, or Britain and France their colonial history. But in places like you know, Southeast Asia, these countries are proud to be nations.

Also other places in South and Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, where people respect strength, they respect a leader who's you know, willing to put his people's interests first and isn't isn't constantly trotting out these tired and sort of i'd say, hypocritical talking points about the rules based or national order. It's not like Tony Blincoln is turning people's minds around. In places like India or the Philippines or Vietnam or something, I actually think they would welcome. And a lot of those countries actually, again, you know, nationalism and putting your people's interests first to kind of has a bad odor in places like Germany maybe because their history, or Britain and France their colonial history. But in places like you know, Southeast Asia, these countries are proud to be nations.

They had to fight for it.

They had to fight for it.

And so the kind of nationalism that President Trump talked about, for instance, in his Warsaw speech in the first term, that's like music to the ears of a lot of people around the world. I'm not saying that they're going to like do exactly what they want, but I think there's actually a lot of opportunity where countries would be like actually excited to work with a more pragmatic, common sense kind of approach.

And so the kind of nationalism that President Trump talked about, for instance, in his Warsaw speech in the first term, that's like music to the ears of a lot of people around the world. I'm not saying that they're going to like do exactly what they want, but I think there's actually a lot of opportunity where countries would be like actually excited to work with a more pragmatic, common sense kind of approach.

You know, and we'll probably see you know, obviously we're already saying them sort of flex the muscle of tariffs to get countries in line. To you, like he had threatened like one hundred percent terror for the bricks nations if they pursue their own currency. You know, you had mentioned Ukraine, Yeah, exactly, you had mentioned h Ukraine. I guess my concern with Ukraine is that like, after all this loss of life, after all the money spent after us, you know, depleting our own arsenal, that Ukraine will end up in a worse position than if they had just tried to reach some sort of deal at the beginning. And right, it's because it doesn't seem like they're going to be able to win.

You know, and we'll probably see you know, obviously we're already saying them sort of flex the muscle of tariffs to get countries in line. To you, like he had threatened like one hundred percent terror for the bricks nations if they pursue their own currency. You know, you had mentioned Ukraine, Yeah, exactly, you had mentioned h Ukraine. I guess my concern with Ukraine is that like, after all this loss of life, after all the money spent after us, you know, depleting our own arsenal, that Ukraine will end up in a worse position than if they had just tried to reach some sort of deal at the beginning. And right, it's because it doesn't seem like they're going to be able to win.