Haaretz television critic Adrian Hennigan reviews the two latest Israeli hit shows to receive English-language reboots: “Suspicion” on Apple TV+ and “As We See It” on Amazon Prime, and takes a deep dive into the global phenomenon the Israeli television industry has become. Hear the full conversation with him, starting at time code 21:00.

Also on this episode, feminist activist Samah Salaime – a leading voice on violence against women in the Arab community – talks with host Allison Kaplan Sommer on the struggle for equality in a conservative and discriminated society.  

“We can’t, as Palestinians, say that we want freedom of speech and movement, we want to be equal in a democratic state, but we don’t want this voice to be heard,” she said, pointing to recent troubling examples of limiting women’s freedom in Israel’s Arab community. “The conservative fundamental agenda of religious people is taking over and this is a dangerous thing for us,” she added.

 

Haaretz television critic<a href="https://www.haaretz.com/life/television/.premium-with-suspicion-a-great-israeli-tv-show-gets-lost-in-translation-1.10595036">&nbsp;Adrian Hennigan</a>&nbsp;reviews the two latest Israeli hit shows to receive English-language reboots: &ldquo;Suspicion&rdquo; on Apple TV+ and &ldquo;As We See It&rdquo; on Amazon Prime, and takes a deep dive into the global phenomenon the Israeli television industry has become. Hear the full conversation with him, starting at time code 21:00.
Also on this episode, feminist activist Samah Salaime &ndash; a leading voice on violence against women in the Arab community &ndash; talks with host Allison Kaplan Sommer on the struggle for equality in a conservative and discriminated society.&nbsp;&nbsp;
&ldquo;We can&rsquo;t, as Palestinians, say that we want freedom of speech and movement, we want to be equal in a democratic state, but we don&rsquo;t want this voice to be heard,&rdquo; she said, pointing to recent troubling examples of limiting women&rsquo;s freedom in Israel&rsquo;s Arab community. &ldquo;The conservative fundamental agenda of religious people is taking over and this is a dangerous thing for us,&rdquo; she added.
&nbsp;

From Haaretz – Israel's oldest daily newspaper – a weekly podcast in English on Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World, hosted by Allison Kaplan Sommer.

From Haaretz – Israel's oldest daily newspaper – a weekly podcast in English on Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World, hosted by Allison Kaplan Sommer.

Your audio guide to Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World.

Haaretz Podcast

From Haaretz – Israel's oldest daily newspaper – the Haaretz weekly podcast in English on Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World, hosted by Allison Kaplan Sommer. 

From Haaretz – Israel's oldest daily newspaper – the Haaretz weekly podcast in English on Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World, hosted by Allison Kaplan Sommer.

Why 'Suspicion' and other remakes of Israeli tv shows lost the plot

The key to avoiding full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah is ending the conflict in southern Israel with Hamas, asserts Yoram Schweitzer, an expert on the Palestinian and Lebanese terror groups, on the Haaretz Podcast.

Schweitzer tells host Allison Kaplan Sommer that it is in Israel's power to "extricate itself" from what is already an ongoing two-front war. He blames the "illusion of a total victory" promoted by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Gaza for dragging on the war for months, what he calls a "misguided policy" that has also led to the war of attrition between Lebanon and Israel.

"I think it's in our hands to determine the future in the north" when it comes to preventing a slide into a larger war, Schweitzer says. "I think Israel has a great and significant role to play in calming down the situation."

A former strategist in negotiating for Israeli soldiers missing in action, Schweitzer believes that a deal must be made with Hamas exchanging hostages for Palestinian prisoners and ending the war. Afterward, Israel should work to "redesign our preparedness and our military readiness both in the south and in the north and prepare for a potential future war with Hezbollah, if needed" – unless a comprehensive regional political settlement can be reached.

Schweitzer says he believes internal political pressure in Lebanon and the potential devastation of a full-scale conflict means that Hezbollah is "under pressure" to accept a cease-fire that would avoid a conflagration in which Iran would be sure to join, thus sparking regional war.

While he believes Hezbollah and Iran are not interested in the all-out war that has panicked Israelis into buying generators and stocking up on bottled water, "it's in their interest to stick to their policy and to the war of attrition. I think that we need to understand that Israel is the one who determines the scale and the height of the flames of the war."

Acknowledging that Hezbollah's Iran-backed forces initiated the current conflict and is "not an innocent bystander," he notes that "Hezbollah is mostly reactive to Israeli maneuvers and attacks" and so Israel determines "where the trend in Lebanon is going."

Netanyahu's seemingly concerted efforts to alienate the Biden White House weakens Israel's position vis-a-vis both Hamas and Hezbollah, Schweitzer says, calling it a "very dangerous" and "stupid, foolish and irresponsible" policy.

"It is definitely a strategic mistake by our prime minister to attack what may be one of the most friendly administrations that Israel has enjoyed throughout the years. I don't want to use foul language, but it's definitely an unrealistic and irresponsible policy to attack Israel's most significant ally."

The key to avoiding full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah is ending the conflict in southern Israel with Hamas, asserts Yoram Schweitzer, an expert on the Palestinian and Lebanese terror groups, on the Haaretz Podcast.
Schweitzer tells host Allison Kaplan Sommer that it is in Israel's power to "extricate itself" from what is already an ongoing two-front war. He blames the <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-02-08/ty-article/.premium/netanyahus-refrain-of-fighting-hamas-until-total-victory-is-a-fantasy/0000018d-87eb-df76-a1fd-cffb8ba20000">"illusion of a total victory"</a> promoted by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Gaza for dragging on the war for months, what he calls a "misguided policy" that has also led to the war of attrition between Lebanon and Israel.
"I think it's in our hands to determine the future in the north" when it comes to preventing a slide into a larger war, Schweitzer says. "I think Israel has a great and significant role to play in calming down the situation."
A former strategist in negotiating for Israeli soldiers missing in action, Schweitzer believes that a <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-06-26/ty-article/.premium/hamas-officials-believe-u-s-will-pressure-israel-for-a-deal-only-after-idf-leaves-rafah/00000190-5361-de5e-abd0-fb7383390000">deal must be made</a> with Hamas exchanging hostages for Palestinian prisoners and ending the war. Afterward, Israel should work to "redesign our preparedness and our military readiness both in the south and in the north and prepare for a potential future war with Hezbollah, if needed" – unless a comprehensive regional political settlement can be reached.
Schweitzer says he believes <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/2024-06-25/ty-article/.premium/fearing-israel-hezbollah-all-out-war-lebanese-politicians-pundits-and-people-speak-out/00000190-4f4a-d8cb-a19d-4f4b8e660000">internal political pressure</a> in Lebanon and the potential devastation of a full-scale conflict means that Hezbollah is "under pressure" to accept a cease-fire that would avoid a conflagration in which Iran would be sure to join, thus sparking regional war.
While he believes Hezbollah and Iran are not interested in the all-out war that has panicked Israelis into buying generators and stocking up on bottled water, "it's in their interest to stick to their policy and to the war of attrition. I think that we need to understand that Israel is the one who determines the scale and the height of the flames of the war."
Acknowledging that Hezbollah's Iran-backed forces initiated the current conflict and is "not an innocent bystander," he notes that "Hezbollah is mostly reactive to Israeli maneuvers and attacks" and so Israel determines "where the trend in Lebanon is going."
Netanyahu's seemingly <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-06-19/ty-article/.highlight/how-much-more-proof-does-biden-need-that-netanyahu-is-not-a-u-s-ally/00000190-30e8-d4fa-ad9d-ffe94ffa0000">concerted efforts</a> to alienate the Biden White House weakens Israel's position vis-a-vis both Hamas and Hezbollah, Schweitzer says, calling it a "very dangerous" and "stupid, foolish and irresponsible" policy.
"It is definitely a strategic mistake by our prime minister to attack what may be one of the most friendly administrations that Israel has enjoyed throughout the years. I don't want to use foul language, but it's definitely an unrealistic and irresponsible policy to attack Israel's most significant ally."

'A war in Lebanon won't be a duel with Hezbollah, Israel will face Iran's entire axis of resistance'

Israelis should expect Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's "poison machine" to be working overtime with the coalition government attacking its own military leaders on a daily basis, says Haaretz senior defense analyst Amos Harel on the Haaretz Podcast.

After a brief "honeymoon" period last week, following the IDF's daring rescue of four Israeli hostages held in Gaza, he said, "The hunt is on again. We'll see Netanyahu attacking them almost on a daily basis on the one hand, and also, what we call the poison machine run by his son and his supporters. We'll see more and more accusations pointed towards Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi and Ronen Bar, the head of the [Shin Bet security service]."

The goal of these attacks, Harel says, is to distract the Israeli public from Netanyahu's "dirty political trickery" and "the terrible, terrible price of the ongoing war."

"Netanyahu's interests are no longer in line with Israel's strategic interest," Harel asserts. What about the "Decisive victory" the prime minister keeps talking about? "It's absolute nonsense," He said, "and Netanyahu knows that better than anyone else."

Also on the podcast, French journalist Shirli Sitbon, a long time Haaretz contributor, reports on how French Jews, along with the rest of the country, were "shocked" by the snap elections declared by President Emmanuel Macron.

She said they are themselves caught between political blocs on the left and the right, and with the center weakened, now embrace extremist parties.

On the far left, she said, the bloc includes MPs "saying Israel is solely responsible" for the war in Gaza, who view Hamas as a legitimate resistance movement, support a full boycott and sanctioning of the country as well as arresting Israeli soldiers traveling in Europe and protesters carrying signs portraying French Jewish politicians as pigs. The alternative is a right-wing coalition led by Marine Le Pen's extreme xenophobic National Rally.

The polarization, she said, leaves many Jews frightened and confused, with indications that more than half might consider leaving the country if the far left or the far right win a decisive victory and the country "changes on a fundamental level."

Israelis should expect Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's "poison machine" to be working overtime with the coalition government attacking its own military leaders on a daily basis, says Haaretz senior defense analyst Amos Harel on the Haaretz Podcast.
After a brief "honeymoon" period last week, following the IDF's daring <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-06-08/ty-article/.premium/israeli-army-forces-rescue-four-israeli-hostages-held-by-hamas/0000018f-f78b-d660-af9f-ffbfb2190000">rescue of four Israeli hostages</a> held in Gaza, he said, "The hunt is on again. We'll see Netanyahu attacking them almost on a daily basis on the one hand, and also, what we call the poison machine run by his son and his supporters. We'll see more and more accusations pointed towards Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi and Ronen Bar, the head of the [Shin Bet security service]."
The goal of these attacks, Harel says, is to distract the Israeli public from Netanyahu's "dirty <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/2024-06-18/ty-article/.premium/netanyahu-attacks-biden-inconceivable-to-hold-back-arms-shipments-to-israel/00000190-2c13-db38-adff-fcb344ab0000">political trickery</a>" and "the terrible, terrible price of the ongoing war."
"Netanyahu's interests are no longer in line with Israel's strategic interest," Harel asserts. What about the "Decisive victory" the prime minister keeps talking about? "It's absolute nonsense," He said, "and Netanyahu knows that better than anyone else."
Also on the podcast, French journalist Shirli Sitbon, a long time Haaretz contributor, reports on how French Jews, along with the rest of the country, were "shocked" by the <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2024-06-09/ty-article/frances-macron-calls-snap-elections-as-far-right-surges-in-european-elections/0000018f-fe85-de5e-a5ef-ff8742940000">snap elections</a> declared by President Emmanuel Macron.
She said they are themselves caught between political blocs on the left and the right, and with the center weakened, now embrace extremist parties.
On the far left, she said, the bloc includes MPs "saying Israel is solely responsible" for the war in Gaza, who view Hamas as a legitimate resistance movement, support a full boycott and sanctioning of the country as well as arresting Israeli soldiers traveling in Europe and protesters carrying signs portraying French Jewish politicians as pigs. The alternative is a right-wing coalition led by Marine Le Pen's extreme xenophobic National Rally.
The polarization, she said, leaves many Jews frightened and confused, with indications that more than half might consider leaving the country if the far left or the far right win a decisive victory and the country "changes on a fundamental level."

'Many Jews say they'll leave France if the far right or extreme left win the election'

If they ever imagined that they were dwelling in an ivory tower, the fierce and sometimes violent confrontations on their campuses have knocked academics who teach about Israel and the Middle East into a harsh new reality, Professor Dov Waxman, director of UCLA's Nazarian Center for Israel Studies told the Haaretz Podcast on the eve of a charged graduation week for his campus.

Waxman described the clash last month between pro-Palestinian protestors and Israel advocacy groups who came to confront them – and how he and other professors found themselves keeping the two sides apart with campus security nowhere to be found.

"I had felt like it was necessary to be there to observe and to try to be a witness and to provide an account, if that was needed. I didn't imagine that I'd be kind of brought into these protests or that I'd be required at all to keep protesters apart," Waxman said in a conversation with podcast host Allison Kaplan Sommer.

"Ultimately," he said "being there on the campus, particularly in the hours before the big protest encampment was dismantled by the police and "see[ing] hundreds of heavily armed riot police lining up on what is normally the quad in the center of our campus where students hang out" and "the world's media converging on our campus" was a "disturbing' and "very, very surreal experience."

Also on the podcast, Haaretz correspondent Linda Dayan recounts her reporting from campus protests at several California universities.

She said that it was impossible to paint a simple picture of the typical campus protester or generalize about their messaging. Some programming criticizing Israel was no more extreme than what one might find in an Israeli newspaper, she said. Other sessions contained inflammatory and even antisemitic content.

"I've gone to magnificently different events on the same campus at the same encampment with wildly different messaging," Dayan said.

If they ever imagined that they were dwelling in an ivory tower, the fierce and sometimes violent confrontations on their campuses have knocked academics who teach about Israel and the Middle East into a harsh new reality, Professor Dov Waxman, director of UCLA's Nazarian Center for Israel Studies told the Haaretz Podcast on the eve of a charged graduation week for his campus.
Waxman described the <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/2024-05-01/ty-article/.premium/violent-clashes-erupt-at-ucla-between-pro-palestinian-pro-israel-protesters/0000018f-33ac-d8c4-afef-3ffc8d150000">clash last month</a> between pro-Palestinian protestors and Israel advocacy groups who came to confront them – and how he and other professors found themselves keeping the two sides apart with <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/2024-05-23/ty-article/ucla-police-chief-reassigned-following-mob-attack-on-pro-palestinian-protesters/0000018f-a308-d8a2-a3cf-a78bc5ef0000">campus security nowhere</a> to be found.
"I had felt like it was necessary to be there to observe and to try to be a witness and to provide an account, if that was needed. I didn't imagine that I'd be kind of brought into these protests or that I'd be required at all to keep protesters apart," Waxman said in a conversation with podcast host Allison Kaplan Sommer.
"Ultimately," he said "being there on the campus, particularly in the hours before the big protest encampment was dismantled by the police and "see[ing] hundreds of heavily armed riot police lining up on what is normally the quad in the center of our campus where students hang out" and "the world's media converging on our campus" was a "disturbing' and "very, very surreal experience."
Also on the podcast, Haaretz correspondent Linda Dayan recounts her <a href="https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/2024-05-31/ty-article-magazine/.premium/as-gaza-war-lingers-israel-studies-professors-on-u-s-campuses-throw-out-the-syllabus/0000018f-c985-d4da-a58f-ffdd73dc0000">reporting from campus protests</a> at several California universities.
She said that it was impossible to paint a simple picture of the typical campus protester or generalize about their messaging. Some programming criticizing Israel was no more extreme than what one might find in an Israeli newspaper, she said. Other sessions contained inflammatory and even antisemitic content.
"I've gone to magnificently different events on the same campus at the same encampment with wildly different messaging," Dayan said.

Why 'Suspicion' and other remakes of Israeli tv shows lost the plot

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